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The fascinating story of Inca civilisation was 
told to our fathers by Dr. Robertson, whose 
' History of America ' appeared in 1778, and to 
ourselves by Mr. Prescott, whose ' Conquest of 
Peru ' was published in 1843. It is assumed that 
most educated people have read the latter work. 
But since its publication a great deal of subse- 
quently discovered material has quite altered our 
view of some things, and thrown entirely new. 
light upon others. Yet Mr. Prescott 5 s work can 
never lose its high position as a carefully written 
and very charming history. 

It is now more than sixty years ago since the 
present writer came under the influence of that 
fascination, when, as a naval cadet on board H.M.S. 
Collingwood, the flagship in the Pacific, he first 
gazed on the land of the Incas. The noble 
Symondite line-of-battle ship rounded the northern 
headland of San Lorenzo Island, and made her 
stately way to her anchorage in Callao roads. I 
was just fourteen, and under the wing of Lieu- 
tenant Peel, aged nineteen (afterwards the gallant 
Sir William Peel), who was officer of my watch 


on the forecastle. We gazed on the scene before 
us, the bright green plain rising by a gentle slope 
to the mountains, with the white towers of Lima 
appearing on its further skirts, and behind the 
mighty cordillera rising into the clouds. During 
the four years of our commission we were five 
times at Callao, staying some months at a time. 
I got to know Lima very well, and made some 
friends, including the beautiful Grimanesa Althaus, 
to whom I was afterwards much indebted in my 
researches ; 1 and the aged Sefiora O'Higgins, 
daughter of the Spanish Viceroy of Peru from 
1796 to 1801. I knew the banks of the Rimac 
between Lima and its mouth even better, and 
I visited the vast mounds or hvacas in the plain. 
In those days youngsters on the Pacific station 
were carefully taught French and Spanish, as well 
as navigation. 

It was not until my return, in 1848, that I 
was able to obtain a copy of Prescott's ' Conquest 
of Peru/ which I devoured over and over again 
with intense interest. During the winter of my 
service in the Arctic regions I had a copy of the 
Quichua Dictionary by Torres Rubio to study, 
which I had bought in Lima, and the Doctor 
had Holguin's grammar, so that I was able to 
acquire some knowledge of the language of the 

l See page 119. 


Incas. On my return I studied all the authorities 
within my reach, and in August 1852 I resolved 
to undertake an expedition to Peru. I was 
practised in observing " the heavenly bodies for 
latitude and longitude, and I could make a fairly 
good survey of ruins, and maps of my routes. 

My first care was to obtain Mr. Prescott's 
approval of my undertaking, and I went to Boston 
with introductions to him from Lord Carlisle and 
the Dean of St. Paul's (Milman). He at once 
invited me to his country house at Pepperell, in 
New Hampshire, where I enjoyed his society for 
ten very pleasant days. Our party consisted of 
Mr. and Mrs. Prescott, their son Amory, the 
secretary and myself. Mr. Prescott's house was 
a long wooden building with a covered verandah 
extending half its length, tall shady trees in front, 
on a lawn dividing the house from a quiet country 
road. There was a pleasant shady walk behind the 
house, of which Mr. Prescott was very fond ; for, 
though his sight was bad, he was not quite blind. 
He could see enough to get about the house, and 
even to take walks by himself, but not to read. 

He conversed with me in his large study, where 
he took notes on a slate with lines, while his 
secretary read to him. The notes were then read 
to him, and, after some thought, he began to dictate. 
We talked over Peru, and he explained most 


lucidly the comparative value of the authorities 
he had used, adding that there were probably 
others of equal importance that he had not seen. 
Once he said that no history could be quite satis- 
factory unless the author was personally ac- 
quainted with the localities he had to describe. 
He gave me valuable advice, and said that he 
would be much interested in the results of my 
journey. I used to drive over the country in a 
buggy, and pull on the quiet little Nississisett river 
with Amory. My stay of ten days at Pepperell, 
with the great historian, is a time which I always 
look back to with feelings of pleasure and gratitude. 
It was a fitting introduction to my Peruvian 

From Lima I made several excursions, and 
explored the coast from Lima to Nasca. Crossing 
an unfrequented pass of the Andes from Yea, 
I made several excursions from my headquarters 
at Ayacucho, and eventually went thence to 
Cuzco. At the city of the Incas I remained 
several weeks, carefully examining the ruins, and 
learning much from such recipients of folklore 
as Dr. Julian Ochoa and the Senora Astete. From 
Cuzco I went to the valley of Vilcamayu occupied 
in researches, and then over the Andes to spend 
a fortnight with Dr. Justiniani, a descendant of 
the Incas, at Laris, and to copy his manuscripts. 


My next journey was to Paucartambo, whence 
I penetrated far into the wild montana. Finally 
I went from Cuzco to Arequipa by the lofty pass 
of E/umihuasi. 

On my return to England I continued my 
studies until, in 1859 to 1861, I was engaged on 
the important public service of introducing the 
cultivation of the various species of quinine-yielding 
chinchona trees from South America into British 
India. I had the pleasure of making the acquaint- 
ance of that splendid old warrior, General Miller, 
who referred me to new mines of information 
among the ' Papeles Varios ' of the Lima library. 
During my journeys I was able to explore great 
part of the northern half of the basin of Lake 
Titicaca, and the Montana of Caravaya. I also 
collected several Quichua songs. Throughout my 
journeys in Peru I received the heartiest welcomes 
and the most unbounded hospitality and kindness. 
The three Indians who went with me into the 
forests of Caravaya were obliging, willing, and 
faithful. My experience with them and others 
gave me a high opinion of the Indian character. 

Since my return from Peru, nearly fifty years 
ago, I have kept up my knowledge of the literary 
labours of the Peruvians, in the direction of Inca 
research, by correspondence with friends, and the 
receipt of books and pamphlets. My most valued 


correspondents have been Don E. Larrabure y 
Unanue, Don Manuel Gonzalez de la Eosa, Don 
Jose Toribio Polo, and Don Ricardo Palma. I 
also received much kind assistance from friends in 
Spain, now departed, Don Pascual de Gayangos, 
and especially from Don Marcos Jimenez de la 
Espada. The literary labours of these and other 
Spanish and Peruvian authors attain a high 
standard. I have since devoted my efforts to 
a complete mastery of all the original authorities 
on Inca history and civilisation. It is not enough 
to dip into them, nor even to read them, in order 
to obtain such a mastery. The problems that 
present themselves in the study of Inca civili- 
sation are often complicated, they need much 
weighing of evidence, and are difficult of solution. 
My own studies have extended over many years, 
during which time I have translated and anno- 
tated the principal authorities, made indexes, 1 and 

l My labours extend over fifty years, from 1859 to 1909, and 
consist of the following publications : — 

1. ' The Earliest Expeditions into the Valley of the 

Amazons ' . . . . . . . . . . . . 1859 

2. ' Chronicle of Cieza de Leon.' Part I . . . . . . 1864 

3 - » ,. „ Part II .. .. 1883 

4. ' Royal Commentaries of the Inca Garcilasso de la 

Vt9 a ' 1869 and 1871 

5. ' Reports on the Discovery of Peru ' by Xeres and 

Astete . . . . . . . . . . , . 1872 

6. ' Rites and Laws of the Incas ' by Molina . . . , 1872 

7. ' Antiquities of Peru,' by the Indian Salcamayhua . . 1872 


compared their various statements on each point as 
it arises. Without such thoroughness, an author 
is scarcely justified in entering upon so difficult 
and complicated an inquiry. 

Having reached my eightieth birthday, I have 
abandoned the idea of completing a detailed 
history which I once entertained. But I have felt 
that a series of essays, based upon my researches, 
might at all events be published with advantage, 
as the subject is one of general interest, alike 
fascinating and historically important, and as the 
results of the studies of a lifetime are likely to be 
of some value. In the form in which the essays are 
presented, it is my hope that they will be interesting 
to the general reader, while offering useful material 
for study to the more serious historical student. 

8. ' Narrative of the Idolatry and Superstitions in 

Huaroohiri,' Avila 1872 

9. ' Report of Polo de Ondegardo ' on Inea Administration 1872 

10. ' Natural History of the Indies,' by Acosta . . . . 1879 

11. 'Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento ' . . . . .. . . 1894 

12. * History of the Incas,' by Sarmiento 1907 

(The above published by the Hakluyt Society) 
Still in MS., translations of the works of : — 

13. Montesinos. 

14. The Anonymous Jesuit (Bias Valera). 

15. Balboa. 

16. Betanzos. 

17. Santillana. 

18. Martin de Morua. 

Contributions for a Quichua grammar and dictionary 1864 

Translation of the drama of Ollantay 1871 

Revised Quichua dictionary 1908 


I have added, as appendices, a translation of 
the Inca drama of Ollantay; and a curious love 
story told to Morua by Amautas, in about 1585. 
It is one of the very few remains of ancient Inca 


The accompanying map is used for the illustra- 
tion of this work by permission of the council of 
the Koyal Geographical Society. The original 
compilation and drawing has been made on a scale 
of 1 : 1,000,000 in four sheets ; but for the purpose 
of publication the map has been reduced to a scale 
of 1 : 2,000,000. The map extends from 8° to 
18° S. and from 65° to 74° W., the area included 
being about 418,000 square miles. No regular 
surveys exist of the region as a whole, nor are 
any likely to be undertaken for years to come. 
Consequently, for the greater part of it, the 
mapping has depended upon route traverses 
varying considerably in merit, but fairly good 
in cases where astronomical observations have 
been taken. 

The compilation and drawing has taken two 
years, and has necessitated comparing and 
determining the value of a large amount of 
cartographical material and many observations. 

About sixty observed positions for latitude and 
twenty for longitude have been accepted, and the 
materials used include thirty-two recent maps and 


reports. The map includes the original land 
of the Incas, the basin of Lake Titicaca, and 
the eastern montana. 

I have to thank the Government of Peru and 
the Lima Geographical Society, as well as many- 
others, for much valuable assistance in the pro- 
vision of materials. The very difficult work 
of compilation has been admirably done by 
Mr. Eeeves, the accomplished Map Curator 
of the Royal Geographical Society, and by 
Mr. Batchelor, the very able draughtsman. 


21 Bccleston Squabe, S.W. 
July 1910. 




Bridge over Gorge of Eio de Pampas . 
Monolithic Doorway, Tiahuanacu . To 
Part of Carved Border, Tiahuanacu 

Doorway ..... 
Sacsahuaman Fortress, Cuzco 
Chavin Stone .... 
Bridge over the Apurimac 
Walls of the Temple of the Sun, Cuzco 
Maize Conopa .... 
The Inti-huatana of Pissac 
Head-dress of High Priest . . To 

Gold Tupu or Pin 
Gold Breastplate from Cuzco 
Large Monolith on Citadel of Ollan- 

tay-tampu ..... 
Upper Terrace on Citadel of Ollan 

tay-tampu ..... 
Anti-suyu Forest 
colcampata, cuzco 



face page 


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In text 


face page 





Map of the Empire of the Incas (South 
Peru and North Bolivia) 

At end 




Before entering upon a contemplation of the 
Inca history and civilisation, a story of no ordinary 
interest, it seems natural to wish for some acquaint- 
ance with those who told the story. It is not 
intended to enter upon a full critical examination 
of their work. That has been done elsewhere. 1 
It will suffice to give a more popular account of 
the tellers of the story. 

Rude and destructive as most of the Spanish 
conquerors were, and as all are generally supposed 
to have been, there were some who sympathised 
with the conquered people, were filled with admira- 
tion at their civilisation and the excellent results 
of their rule, and were capable of making researches 
and recording their impressions. Nor were these 
authors confined to the learned professions. First 
and foremost were the military writers. Some of 
their works are lost to us, but the narratives of at 
least four have been preserved. 

l See the Narrative and Critical History of America (New York 
and Boston, 1889), vol. ii. chap. iv. p. 259. 


Among these Pedro de Cieza de Leon takes 
the first and most honourable place. Imagine 
a little boy of fourteen entering upon a soldier's 
life in the undiscovered wilds of South America, 
and, without further instruction, becoming the 
highest authority on Inca history. It seems 
wonderful, yet it was at the early age of fourteen 
that Cieza de Leon embarked for the new world. 
He was born in 1519 at the town of Llerena, in 
Estremadura, about nineteen leagues east of Badajos, 
at the foot of the Sierra de San Miguel, a Moorish 
looking place surrounded by a wall with brick 
towers, and five great gates. It produced several 
distinguished men, including Juan de Pozo, the 
watchmaker who placed the giraHa on the tower 
of Seville Cathedral. At Llerena Pedro de Cieza 
passed his childhood, but his boyhood was scarce 
begun when he embarked at Seville ; serving 
under Pedro de Heredia, the founder and first 
governor of Carthagena, on the Spanish Main. 
Soon afterwards, in 1538, young Pedro de Cieza 
joined the expedition of Vadillo up the valley of 
the Cauca. At an age when most boys are at 
school, this lad had been sharing all the hardships 
and perils of seasoned veterans, and even then 
he was gifted with powers of observation far 
beyond his years. 

The character of our soldier chronicler was 
destined to be formed in a rough and savage 
school. It is certainly most remarkable that so 
fine a character should have been formed amidst 


all the horrors of the Spanish American conquests. 
Humane, generous, full of noble sympathies, 
observant and methodical ; he was bred amidst 
scenes of cruelty, pillage, and wanton destruction, 
which were calculated to produce a far different 
character. Considering the circumstances in which 
he was placed from early boyhood, his book is 
certainly a most extraordinary, as well as a most 
valuable, result of his military services and 
researches. He began to write a journal when 
serving under Robledo in the Cauca valley in 1541. 
He says : 'As I noted the many great and strange 
t hin gs that are to be seen in the new world of the 
Indies there came upon me a strong desire to 
write an account of some of them, as well those 
which I have seen with my own eyes as those I 
heard of from persons of good repute.' In another 
place he says : ' Oftentimes when the other soldiers 
were sleeping, I was tiring myself in writing. 
Neither fatigue nor the ruggedness of the country, 
nor the mountains and rivers, nor intolerable 
hunger and suffering, have ever been sufficient to 
obstruct my two duties, namely, writing and 
following my flag and my captain without fault.' 
Cieza de Leon made his way by land to Quito, 
and then travelled all over Peru collecting informa- 
tion. He finished the first part of his ' Chronicle ' 
in September 1550, when at the age of thirty-two. 
It is mainly a geographical description of the 
country, with sailing directions for the coast, 
and an account of the Inca roads and bridges. In 


the second part he reviewed the system of govern- 
ment of the Incas, with the events of each reign. 
He spared no pains to obtain the best and most 
authentic information, and in 1550 he went to 
Cuzco to confer with one of the surviving Incas. 
His sympathy with the conquered people, and 
generous appreciation of their many good qualities, 
give a special charm to his narrative. 

Cieza de Leon stands first in the first rank of 
authorities on Inca civilisation. 1 

Another soldier-author was Juan de Betanzos. 
We first hear of his book from Friar Gregorio de 
Garcia, who wrote his ' Origen de los Indios ' in 
1607. He announced that he possessed the manu- 
script of Betanzos, and he made great use of it, 
copying the first two chapters wholesale. The 
incomplete manuscript in the Escurial, of which 
Prescott had a copy, only contains the eighteen 
first chapters and part of another. It was edited 

l The first part is quoted thirty times, oftener than any other 
authority, by the Inca Garcilasso. He copies long and important 
passages. The first part was published in 1554. 

Prescott quotes Cieza oftener than any other authority except 
Garcilasso ; Garcilasso 89, Cieza 45 times. 

The second part has a curious history. The MS. narrative, 
which Prescott referred to as ' Sarmiento.,' is in reality the second 
part of the Chronicle of Cieza de Leon. It was addressed to Juan 
Sarmiento, then President of the Council of the Indies, and Prescott 
assumed that he was the author. The MS. was preserved in the 
Escurial, and a copy was sent to Prescott. The text was printed 
by Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa in 1873, and by Jimenez de la Espada 
at Madrid in 1880. English editions of the first part in 1864, 
and the second part in 1883, were translated and edited by Sir 
Clements Markham for the Hakluyt Society. 


and printed in 1880 by Jimenez de la Espada. 
The complete manuscript which belonged to Garcia 
has not been found. Juan de Betanzos was 
probably from Gaficia, and came to Peru with 
Hernando Pizarro. He became a citizen of Cuzco, 
and married a daughter of the Inca Atahualpa. 
Betanzos took great pains to learn the Quichua 
language, and was employed to negotiate with the 
Incas in Vilcapampa. He was appointed official 
interpreter to the Audiencia and to successive 
Viceroys. His principal work, entitled ' Suma y nar- 
racion de los Incas/ was composed by order of the 
Viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, and was finished 
in 1551, but was not published owing to the 
Viceroy's death. He also wrote a ' Doctrina/ and 
two vocabularies which are lost. The date of the 
death of Betanzos is unknown, but he certainly 
lived twenty years after he wrote the ' Suma y 
narration/ Betanzos was imbued with the spirit 
of the natives, and he has portrayed native feeling 
and character as no other Spaniard could have done. 
He gives an excellent and almost dramatic account 
of the Chanca war with the Incas, and his versions 
of the early myths are important. He ranks next 
to Cieza de Leon as an authority. 

Sarmiento, a militant sailor, is the highest 
authority as regards the historical events of the 
Inca period, though his work has only quite recently 
been brought to fight. The beautiful manuscript, 
illustrated with coats of arms, found its way into 
the library of Gronovius, and was bought for the 


University of Gottingen in 1785. It remained 
in the university library, unnoticed, for 120 
years. But, in August 1906, the learned librarian, 
Dr. Pietschmann, published the text at Berlin, 
carefully edited and annotated and with a valuable 
introduction. 1 

Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa was a seaman of 
some distinction, and was a leader in Mandana's 
voyage to the Solomon Islands. 2 He accompanied 
the Viceroy Toledo, and was employed by that 
statesman to write a history of the Incas. It is 
without doubt the most authentic and reliable 
we possessj as regards the course of events. For 
it was compiled from the carefully attested evidence 
of the Incas themselves, who were officially examined 
on oath, so that Sarmiento had the means of 
obtaining accurate information which no other 
writer possessed. The chapters were afterwards 
read over to the forty-two Incas who gave evidence, 
in their own language, and received their final 
corrections. The history was finished and sent to 
Spain in 1572. 

Pedro Pizarro, who was a cousin of the con- 
queror, went to Peru as his page when only fifteen. 
He eventually retired to Arequipa, where he 
wrote his ' Relaciones/ finished in 1571. Prescott 

l It was translated into English by Sir Clements Markham for 
the Hakluyt Society in 1907. 

s For an account of the adventurous life of Sarmiento see the 
introduction to his voyages by Sir Clements Markham (Hakluyt 
Society, 1895). 


had a copy of the manuscript, but it was not 
printed until quite recently. 1 There were other 
writers among the military men, notably Francisco 
de Chaves, but their work is lost to us. 

Among the lawyers the work of Zarate was 
published in 1555, differing a good deal from the 
manuscript, and it is not of much value. The 
writings of the licentiate Polo de Ondegardo are 
more important. He occupied the post of Corre- 
gidor of Cuzco in 1560, and accompanied the 
Viceroy Toledo on his journey of inspection ten 
years afterwards. He made researches into the 
laws and administration of the Incas, but his 
knowledge of the language was limited. His 
two ' Relaciones ' were written in 1561 and 1570. 
They have never been printed. Prescott had 
copies of them. Another 'Keport' by Polo is in 
the National Library at Madrid. It describes the 
division and tenure of land, and some adminis- 
trative details. The 'Kelacion' of Fernando de 
Santillan is of about the same value, and was 
written at the same period. 3 It is mainly devoted 
to a discussion of the laws and customs relating 
to the collection of tribute. The licentiate Juan 
de Matienza was a contemporary of Ondegardo and 
Santillan, and discussed the ancient institutions 
with the same objects. His manuscript is in the 
British Museum. In the following century Juan 

l In the Coleccion de documentoa ineditos para la Historia de 
Esparia, v. 201-388. 

3 Edited and printed by Jimenez de la Espada in 1879, 


de Solorzano digested the numerous laws in the 
' Politica Indiana/ and the prolific legislation of 
the Viceroy Toledo is embodied in the ' Ordenanzas 
del Peru,' published at Lima in 1683. All the 
lawyers who studied the subject express their 
admiration of the government of the Incas. 

The geographers were the local officials who were 
ordered to draw up topographical reports on their 
several provinces. Most of these reports were 
written between 1570 and 1590, and they naturally 
vary very much in value. The ' Relaciones Geo- 
graficas de Indias (Peru) ' were published at Madrid 
in four large volumes, between 1881 and 1897. 

The priests were the most diligent inquirers 
respecting the native religion, rites and ceremonies. 
The first priest who came with Pizarro was the 
Dominican friar, Vicente de Valverde. He wrote 
a ' Carta Relacion ' on the affairs of Peru, and some 
letters to Charles V, containing original informa- 
tion, but he left the country in 1541, and was 
there too short a time for his writings to be of 
much value. The best known clerical author on 
Peru was the Jesuit Josef de Acosta, who was 
born at Medina del Campo in 1540, and was in 
Peru from 1570 to 1586, travelling over all parts 
of the country. He then went to Mexico, and 
died at Salamanca in 1600. His great work, 
' Historia Natural de las Indias/ in its complete 
form, was first published at Seville in 1590. Hak- 
luyt and Purchas gave extracts from it, and the 
whole work was translated into English in 1604 


by Edward Grimston. It was much, used by 
subsequent writers. The Inca Grarcilasso quotes 
it twenty-seven times, and Prescott nineteen times. 
Acosta's work will always be valuable, but he was 
superficial and an indifferent Quichua scholar. 
He is superseded in several branches of his subject 
by writers whose works have become known in 
recent years. 

Among these the most important is Cristoval 
de Molina, priest of the hospital for natives at 
Cuzco, who wrote a 'Report on the Fables and 
Rites of the Incas ' addressed to the Bishop Artaun, 
1570-84. Molina had peculiar opportunities for 
collecting accurate information. He was a master 
of the Quichua language, he examined native 
chiefs and learned men who could remember the 
Inca Empire in the days of its prosperity, and his 
position at the hospital at Cuzco gave him an 
intimate acquaintance with the native character. 
Molina gives very interesting accounts of the 
periodical festivals and the religion, and twelve 
prayers in the original Quichua. Very intimately 
connected with the work of Molina is that of Miguel 
Cavello Balboa, who wrote at Quito between 
1576 and 1586. In the opening address of Molina 
to the Bishop he mentions a previous account 
which he had submitted on the origin, history, 
and government of the Incas. This account 
appears to have been procured and appropriated 
by Balboa, who tells us that his history is based 
on the learned writings of Cristoval de Molina. 


Miguel Cavello Balboa was a soldier who took 
orders late in life and went out to Peru in 1566. 
He settled at Quito and devoted himself to the 
preparation of his work entitled ' Miscellanea 
Austral.' He is the only authority who gives any 
tradition respecting the origin of the coast people ; 
and he supplies an excellent narrative of the war 
between Huascar and Atahualpa, including the 
love episode of Quilacu. 1 

The history of the Incas by Friar Martin de 
Morua is still in manuscript. Morua had studied 
the Quichua language. His work, finished in 1590, 
is full of valuable information. A copy of the 
manuscript was obtained by Dr. Gonzalez de la 
Rosa from the Loyola archives in 1909. 

Some of the Jesuits were engaged in the work of 
extirpating idolatry. Their reports throw light on 
the legends and superstitions of the people on and 
near the coast. These are contained in the very 
rare work of Arriaga (1621), and in the report of 
Avila on the legends and myths of Huarochiri. 
The work of another Jesuit named Luis de Teruel, 
who wrote an account of his labours for the extir- 
pation of idolatry, is lost, as well as that of Her- 
nando Avendano, some of whose sermons in Quichua 
have been preserved. Fray Alonzo Ramos Gavilan, 
in his ' History of the Church of Copacabana ' (1620), 
throws light on the movements of the mitimaes or 
colonists in the Collao, and gives some new details 
respecting the consecrated virgins, the sacrifices, 

l The original Spanish text of Balboa ia unknown. We only 
have a French translation, by Ternaux Compans, published in 1840. 


and the deities worshipped on the shores of lake 
Titicaca. The ' Coronica Moralizada/ by Antonio de 
la Calancha (1638-53), is a voluminous record of 
the Order of St. Augustine in Peru. There is a 
good deal that is interesting and important 
scattered among the stories of martyrdoms and 
miracles of the Augustine friars. Calancha gives 
many details respecting the manners and customs 
of the Indians, and the topography of the country. 
He is the only writer who has given any account 
of the religion of the Chimu. He also gives the 
most accurate version of the Inca calendar. The 
chronicle of the Franciscans by Diego de Cordova y 
Salinas, published at Madrid in 1643, is of less value. 

Fernando Montesinos, born at Cuenca, was in 
holy orders and a licentiate in canon law. He 
appears to have gone to Peru in 1629, in the 
train of the Viceroy Count of Chinchon. After 
filling some appointments, he gave himself up 
entirely to historical researches and mining specu- 
lations, travelling over all parts of Peru. In 
1639 he came to live at Lima, and he was employed 
to write an account of the ' Auto de Fe ' in that 
year. He also published a book on the workings 
of metals. The last date which shows Montesinos 
to have been in Peru is 1642. After his return 
to Spain he became cura of a village near Seville, 
and in 1644 he submitted a memorial to the King 
asking for some dignity as a reward for his services. 1 

Montesinos wrote ' Ophir de Espafia, Memorias 
Historiales y Politicas del Peru.' The long list of 

l The memorial is in the British Museum, 


Kings of Peru given by Montesinos did not originate 
with him, but was due to earlier writers long 
before his time. He, however, collected some 
interesting traditions, but his absurd contention 
that Peru was peopled by Armenians under the 
leadership of Noah's great-grandson Ophir destroys 
all confidence in his statements. 

The work of Montesinos was found by MuSoz 
in the convent of San Jose at Seville. Munoz 
got possession of the manuscripts, and Ternaux 
Compans obtained a copy, of which he published 
a French translation in 1840. The manuscripts 
were brought to Madrid, and Jimenez de la Espada 
published the second book, containing the long 
list of Peruvian Kings, in 1882. 

By far the greatest of the clerical authors who 
wrote on Inca civilisation had the advantage of 
being a mestizo. Bias Valera was the son of 
Lius de Valera, a soldier of the conquest, by a 
Peruvian lady of the court of Atahualpa, and 
was born at Chachapoyas in about 1540. He 
was brought up at Caxamarca, and afterwards at 
Truxillo, until his twentieth year. At Truxillo 
he learnt Latin, while Quichua was his native 
tongue. He took orders at the age of twenty-eight, 
and became a Jesuit. In 1571 he was sent to 
Cuzco as a catechist, and was there for at least 
ten years. He then went to Juli and La Paz, 
and later was at Quito and in the northern parts 
of Peru. In about 1594 he embarked at Callao 
for Cadiz. He was in that city when it was taken 


by the English under the Earl of Essex in 1596. 
But the Jesuits were allowed to depart with their 
papers. Bias Valera died soon afterwards. 

Bias Valera had qualifications and advantages 
possessed by no other writer. The Inca Garcilasso 
knew Quichua, but he was a child, and only twenty 
when he went to Spain. It was after an interval 
of forty years that he thought of writing about 
his native country. Bias Valera, like Garcilasso, 
was half a Peruvian, and Quichua was his native 
language. But unlike Garcilasso, instead of going 
to Spain when he Was twenty, he worked for 
Peru and its people for thirty years, devoting 
himself to a study of the history, literature, and 
ancient customs of his countrymen, receiving their 
records and legends from the older Amautas and 
Quifucamayocs who could remember the Inca 
rule, and their lists of kings. His perfect mastery 
of the language enabled him to do this with a 
thoroughness which no Spaniard could approach. 

Bias Valera brought his writings with him to 
Spain, doubtless with a view to publication. He 
had written a ' Historia del Peru ' in Latin which, 
after his death, was given to the Inca Garcilasso, 
who made very extensive use of it. 1 According to 
the bibliographers, Antonio and Leon Pinelo, 
another work by Bias Valera was ' De los Indios 
del Peru, sus costumbres y pacificacion.' It was 
lost. But in 1879 Jimenez de la Espada found 
a most valuable manuscript on the same subject 

l See his life, which forms the subject of another chapter, p. 260. 


without the name of the author. He published 
it under the name of the 'Anonymous Jesuit:' 
Dr. Gonzalez de la Kosa has brought forward 
arguments, which appear to be quite conclusive, 
and which are given in another place, that the 
anonymous Jesuit was no other than Bias Valera. 
Another work of the learned mestizo, also lost, was 
entitled ' Vocabulario Historico del Peru/ It was 
brought from Cadiz to the college of La Paz in 
1604, by the Procurador of the Jesuits, named 
Diego Torres Vasquez. It was this work that 
contained the long lists of kings. This is clear 
from the statement of Father Anello Oliva in his 
history of distinguished men of the Company of 
Jesus, 1 written in 1631. Oliva had seen the ' Vocabu- 
lario Historico del Peru/ and learnt from it the 
great antiquity of the Peruvian kingdom. Monte- 
sinos no doubt copied his list from the 'Vocabu- 
lario/ which was then at La Paz. The premature 
death of Bias Valera, and the disposal of his valuable 
manuscripts, is the most deplorable loss that the 
history of Inca civilisation has sustained. 

The work of a more recent author has come 
to light through the diligence of Jimenez de la 
Espada. This is the history of the New World 
by Father Bernabe Cobos, 2 in four large volumes. 

1 Historia del Peru y V atones Insignes en santidad de la Compania 
de Jeaus por el Padre Anello Oliva de la misma compania. Published 
by Sefior Varela, at Lima. 

2 Printed at Seville in 1900 by the Soeiedad de Bibliofilos Andaluces 
and edited by Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. 


It is a valuable addition to our authorities on 
ancient Peru, and is more especially valuable for 
its chapters containing full accounts of the minerals, 
medicinal plants and edible vegetables, and of the 
fauna of Peru. 

A narrative has been recently brought to 
light by Don Carlos Romero, in the Revista 
Historica, of Lima, 1 written by a Dominican monk 
named Reginaldo de Lizarraga, in about 1605. It 
is entitled ' Descripcion de las Indias,' and consists 
of two parts, one geographical and the other chiefly 
biographical. Lizarraga travelled all over the 
country, from Quito to the most southern part of 
Chile. Finally, he became Bishop of Asuncion 
in Paraguay, where he died in about 1612. The 
geographical descriptions of Lizarraga are sketchy 
and unequal to those of Cieza de Leon, and he is 
very unsympathetic when referring to the Incas, 
or to the unfortunate Indians. His work is mainly 
occupied with brief notices of prelates and viceroys, 
devoting more space to the proceedings of the 
Viceroy Toledo. There are only two statements 
of interest in his work. One is that a wall was 
built on the pass of Vilcariota, to divide the 
territory of the Incas from that of the Collas. In 
another he gives what is clearly the correct story 
about Mancio Serra de Leguisamo having gambled 
away the great image of the sun in one night. 
These statements will be referred to in their places. 

l Revista Historica (Lima, 1907), torn. ii. trimestres iii. and iv, 


Bias Valera and the Inca Garcilasso are the two 
mestizo authors. The latter is so important a person- 
age that a separate essay is devoted to his biography. 
Gomara and Herrera were never in the country, 
and writers living after the end of the seventeenth 
century have no claim to be looked upon as original 

There were two pure-blooded Indians whose 
writings are of very great value. The first was 
a chief living near the borders of Collahua, south 
of Cuzco, calling himself Juan de Santa Cruz 
Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua, who wrote his 
account of the antiquities of Peru in about 1620. 
I found the manuscript in the National Library 
at Madrid, and the Hakluyt Society published 
my translation in 1873. The Spanish text was 
afterwards edited and published by Jimenez de la 
Espada. It gives the traditions of the Incas, 
as they were handed down by the grandchildren 
of those who were living at the time of the Spanish 
conquest to their grandchildren. They are entitled 
to a certain authority, and Salcamayhua gives 
three Quichua prayers to the Supreme Being 
which are of extraordinary interest. 

The work of the second Indian author is quite 
a recent discovery. It was found by Dr. Pietsch- 
mann, the librarian of the University of Gottingen, 
in the Eoyal Library at Copenhagen in 1908. 
The title is ' Nueva Coronica y Buen Gobierno,' 
de Don Felipe Huaman Poma de Ayala ; a very 
thick quarto of 1179 pages, with numerous clever 


pen-and-ink sketches, almost one for every page. 
There is a particular account of the author's 
ancestry, for not only did he descend from Yarro- 
vilca, Lord of Huanuco, but his mother was a 
daughter of the great Inca Tupac Yupanqui. 
His father saved the life of a Spaniard named 
Ayala at the battle of Huarina, and ever after- 
wards adopted that name after his own. His 
son, the author, did the same. The work opens 
with a letter from the father, Martin Huaman 
Mallqui de ( Ayala, to Philip II, recommending his 
son's book to the royal notice. The author 
himself, Huaman Poma de Ayala, was chief of 

The work commences with a history of the 
creation, the deluge, down to St. Peter's presenta- 
tion of the keys to the Pope, about fifty-six pages, 
with excellent pen-and-ink sketches to illustrate 
the events. Then follow notices of the earliest 
traditions about Peruvian history, and the arrival 
of St. Bartholomew. The portraits of the twelve 
Incas are each accompanied by a page of descrip- 
tion. The great value of the portraits consists in 
the excellent drawings of dresses and weapons. 
Portraits of the Ccoyas or Queens follow, and then 
those of fifteen famous captains. About sixty 
pages are devoted to the ordinances and laws, with 
a picture of the Inca surrounded by his councillors. 
Each month of the calendar is given, illustrated by 
pictures in which the exact shapes of agricultural 
implements are shown, among other things. Then 


come details of the Huacas or idols, divination, 
fasts, interments, and very graphic representations 
of the punishments for various offences. There 
is a chapter on the Virgins of the Sun with 
an illustration, and several Quichua harvest, 
hunting, dancing, and love songs. Huaman 
Poma next describes the palaces, and gives an 
account of the occupations of the people at 
various ages. 

Then comes the conquest. The author gives 
pictures of Atahualpa, of Pizarro and Almagro, 
and of his own relations being roasted alive by 
Pizarro. There are a series of portraits of the 
eight first Viceroys, and of the later native chiefs 
in Spanish dress. Next a long series of pictures 
of cities in Peru, nearly all imaginary, and lists of 
post-houses, or tambos, on the various roads. But 
by far the most remarkable feature of this chronicle 
is an open and fearless attack on the cruel tyranny 
of the Spanish rule. The combined writer and 
artist spares neither priest nor corregidor. We 
see people being flogged, beaten with clubs, and 
hung up by the heels. There is a woman stripped 
naked and flogged because her tribute was two 
eggs short, shameful treatment of girls is depicted, 
inhuman flogging of children, forced marriages, 
and priests gambling with corregidors. 

The author travelled all over Peru in some 
capacity, interceding for, and trying to protect, 
the unfortunate people. He was writing during 
thirty years, from 1583 to 1613. He concludes with 


an anticipation of the treatment of his book by 
the Christians of the world. * Some/ he thinks, 
' will weep, others will laugh, others will curse, 
others will commend him to God, others from rage 
will want to destroy the book. A few will want 
to have it in their hands/ 

It is addressed to King Philip II, and the 
author had the temerity to take it down to Lima 
for transmission to Spain. He hoped to be 
appointed Protector of the Indians. We do not 
know what became of him. How the book, with 
all those damning illustrations, escaped destruction, 
and how it was ever allowed to be sent home, is a 
mystery ! One would give much to know the 
fate of the author, so full of compassion for his 
ill-fated countrymen, diligent as a collector of 
information of all kinds, proud of his ancestry, 
a gifted artist, full of sympathy, fearless in the 
exposure of injustice and cruelty. Huaman Poma 
was a hero of whom any country might be proud. 
A vein of humour runs through his sketches. 
Their escape from destruction is little short of 
miraculous. At length this most important work 
is in good and sympathetic hands, and will be 
given to the world. It is, without exception, the 
most remarkable as well as the most interesting 
production of native genius that has come down 
to our time. 

We have seen that the story of the Incas has 
been told by priests, soldiers, lawyers, by mestizos 
and by pure-blooded Indians. Seeing the same acts 



and events from different points of view, hearing 
them from various people, biased by prejudices 
which tend to obscure the truth, some desirous of 
securing accuracy, others thinking more of proving 
their case, some transparently honest, others less 
so in varied degrees, — it is evident that dis- 
crimination is called for after careful study. The 
following essays are the results of such study by 
one who has devoted many years of research to a 
most interesting and fascinating story. 



There is a mystery still unsolved, on the plateau 
of Lake Titicaca, which, if stones could speak, 
would reveal a story of the deepest interest. 
Much of the difficulty in the solution of this 
mystery is caused by the nature of the region, 
in the present day, where the enigma still 
defies explanation. We must, therefore, first 
acquire some knowledge of the face of the 
country before we have the question, as it now 
stands, placed before us. 

The great Cordilleras of the Andes, in latitude 
14° 28' S., unite at "the knot of Vilcanota, and then 
separate, forming the eastern Andes on one side, con- 
taining Illimani and Illampu (except Aconcagua and 
Huascaran, the loftiest measured peaks of the new 
world), and the maritime cordillera on the other. 
Between them there is an extensive and very lofty 
plateau, 13,000 to 14,000 feet above the sea, with 
the lake called Titicaca, or Inticaca, in its centre. 
Titicaca is the largest lake in South America. It 
was formerly much larger. The surface of the 



lake is 12,508 feet above the sea, that of the 
plateau being, on an average, several hundred 
feet higher. 

The surrounding mountains form a region of 
frost and snow. The hardy llamas and alpacas 
live and breed amidst the tufts of coarse grass 
called ychu, 1 and the graceful vicunas can endure 
the rigorous climate at still higher elevations. 
Besides the grass, there is a lowly shrub called 
tola, 2 which can be used as firewood. Quinua, z 
belonging to the spinach family, can alone be 
raised at the higher elevations, yielding a small 
grain which, by itself, is insufficient to maintain 
human life. 

The plateau itself, called the Collao, is by no 
means level. It is intersected by ranges of 
hills of no great height, and in the northern 
part the lofty rock of Pucara is a marked 
feature. Very hardy trees of three kinds, 
though stunted, are a relief to the landscape, 
and in some sheltered ravines they even form 
picturesque groves overshadowed by rocky heights. 
The tree at the highest elevations is called quenua f 
the two others, with gnarled rough trunks and 
branches, called ccolli 5 and quisuar 6 (Oliva sylvestre 
by the Spaniards, from a fancied resemblance of 

l Stipa Ychu (K.). 

3 Baccharis Incarum (Weddell), mentioned by Molina and 
Cobos, p. 486. 

3 Chenopodium Quinua (L.), mentioned by Cobos, p. 350. 

* Polylepis racemosa (R.P.) 

6 Buddleia coriacea. e Buddleia Incana {R.P.) 


the leaves), are the only trees of the Titicaca 
plateau. Crops of potatoes are raised, forming 
the staple food, with the oca 1 and some other 
edible roots. But cereals will not ripen, and the 
green barley is only used for fodder. The yutu, 
a kind of partridge, and a large rodent called 
viscacha? abound in the mountains, while the 
lake yields fish of various kinds, and is frequented 
by waterfowl. 

Such a region is only capable of sustaining 
a scanty population of hardy mountaineers 
and labourers. The mystery consists in the 
existence of ruins of a great city on the southern 
side of the lake, the builders being entirely 

The city covered a large area, built by highly 
skilled masons, and with the use of enormous 
stones. One stone is 36 feet long by 7, weighing 
170 tons, another 26 feet by 16 by 6. Apart from 
the monoliths of ancient Egypt, there is nothing 
to equal this in any other part of the world. The 
movement and the placing of such monoliths 
point to a dense population, to an organised 
government, and consequently to a large area 
under cultivation, with arrangements for the con- 
veyance of supplies from various directions. There 
must have been an organisation combining skill 
and intelligence with power and administrative 

1 Oxalis tuberosa (L.). 

2 Lagidium Peruvianum. 


The point next in interest to the enormous 
size of the stones is the excellence of the workman- 
ship. The lines are accurately straight, the angles 
correctly drawn, the surfaces level. The upright 
monoliths have mortices and projecting ledges to 
retain the horizontal slabs in their places, which 
completed the walls. The carvings are com- 
plicated, and at the same time well arranged, and 
the ornamentation is accurately designed and 
executed. Not less striking are the statues with 
heads adorned with curiously shaped head-dresses. 
Flights of stone steps have recently been 
discovered, for the ancient city, now several miles 
from the lake, was once upon its borders. 
Remarkable skill on the part of the masons is 
shown by every fragment now lying about. Such 
are the angle- joints of a stone conduit ; a window- 
frame of careful workmanship with nine apertures, 
all in one piece ; and numerous niches and mould- 
ings. There is ample proof of the very advanced 
stage reached by the builders in architectural 
art. 1 

There are some particulars respecting the 
ruins in Oliva's history of Jesuits in Peru, obtained 
from an Indian named Catari, a Quipucamayoc, or 
reader of the quipus, who was living at Cochapampa 
in the end of the sixteenth century. It appears 
that Bartolome Cervantes, a canon of Chuquisaca, 

l The best accounts of the Tiahuanacu ruins are by R. Inwards 
[The Temple of the Andes, 1884), and the Comte de Crequi Montfort, 
leader of the ' Mission Scientifique Francaise ' (1904). 


gave to Oliva a manuscript dictated by Catari. 
The remarkable statement is here made that 
no judgment can be formed of the size of the 
ruined city, because nearly all was built 
underground. Professor Nestler of Prague has 
proceeded to Tiahuanacu with the object of 
making researches by the light of the account 
of Catari. 1 

The famous monolithic doorway at Tiahuanacu 
has been fractured, probably by an earthquake. 
The lower part has not yet been excavated, so 
that it is not known whether the two sides are 
connected below or separate. The elaborate carv- 
ing on the upper part may possibly hold the 
mystery. In the centre there is a square of seven- 
teen-and-a-half inches, on which the principal 
figure is carved. The space is nearly square, 
surrounded by a border with billet ornaments. 
There are two round indentations for eyes, a nose, 
mouth, and three small holes on each cheek. The 
billet ornaments occur again on the sceptres and 
on the belt. Ornaments issue from the border 
round the head, consisting of twenty-two ribands 
ending in heads or circles. In the centre, at the 
top, there is a human head, on either side two 
ribands adorned with billets and ending in 
circles. At the angles there are longer ribands 
ending with the heads of beasts. These seven 
bands, including the human head, form the upper 
part of the rays round the greater head. On the 

l Information from Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa. 


sides there is a riband ending in a beast's head, 
and two rays ending in circles on either side of it, 
making a total of ten bands or rays on the sides of 
the head. Under the head the central band ends 
with a larger circle, having two smaller ones on 
either side of it. This makes a total of twenty- 
two ribands surrounding the head. It is not 
improbable that they may be intended to repre- 
sent rays, like those of the sun, but their differences 
and arrangement also point to some symbolical 

This central figure further has a riband passing 
round the neck and down to the belt, on either 
side of the breast. The parts on the breast have 
three divisions similarly marked on either side. 
On the upper one there are four small circles, on 
the next a small circle and two figures like a V, 
and on the lower division there is a diamond- 
shaped figure with another within it. I am in- 
clined to think that these curious carvings are 
intended to represent emblems of months or 
seasons. In the centre of the breast, between the 
bands, there is a conventional ornament of two 
bands ending in heads of birds, and over them 
another symbol of a month or season. The belt 
round the figure consists of a band with three 
billets, terminating at each end with a beast's head. 

The arms issue from the sides in a curve, with 
human heads hanging from the elbows. The 
hands, showing three fingers and a thumb, grasp 
sceptres. Below the hands the two sceptres are 


exactly the same, consisting of three joints, each 
with a billet, and ending in a bird's head. Above 
the hands the sceptres differ. The one on the 
right consists of five joints with billets and the 
appearance of a small bird. The one on the left 
is divided into two, ending with heads of birds. 

Below the belt there is a band, whence hangs 
a fringe of six human heads. The central figure 
terminates at the knees, just above an elaborately- 
carved ornament which is supposed to have 
represented a throne. It consists of bands ending 
in twelve birds' heads, and at the sides the com- 
position terminates in a large beast's head, with a 
peculiar ornament in front of the mouth. There 
are three squares, the two outer ones having inner 
squares, and issuing from them another square, 
with short bands, ending in a circle and inner 
circle, on either side. 

On either side of the central figure there are 
forty-eight figures kneeling to it, sixteen with the 
heads of birds and thirty-two with human heads. 
All are winged, all are crowned, and all hold 
sceptres. The bird-headed worshippers have 
sceptres like the one in the central figure's left 
hand, while the sceptres of the human-headed 
worshippers are the same as those in the central 
figure's right hand. The bird-headed figures have 
ornamental bands with terminals of fish heads, and 
the human-headed figures throughout have bands 
ending in birds' heads. 

It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the 


central figure is intended to represent the deity 
having jurisdiction over all human beings on the one 
hand, and over the animal creation on the other. 

Below the rows of worshippers there is a 
beautifully carved border consisting of double 
fines ending with birds' heads, surrounding human 
heads with borders of joints and billets, surmounted 
in one by five bands ending in circles, in another 
by four fish heads, in another by an armed human 

There is no sign of sculpture nor of any 
knowledge of proportion in designing a human 
figure ; but at the same time there are indica- 
tions of very remarkable skill and taste in the 
masonic art. The ornamentation is accurately 
designed and executed, and the style of art is 
well adapted for symbolical representation. The 
tendency is to straight fines and rectangles, not to 

This, then, is the mystery. A vast city con- 
taining palace, temple, judgment-hall, or whatever 
fancy may reconstruct among the ruins, with 
statues, elaborately carved stones, and many 
triumphs of the masonic art, was built in a region 
where corn will not ripen, and which could not 
possibly support a dense population. It is quite 
certain that, in the time of the Incas, the people 
were absolutely ignorant of the origin and history 
of these edifices. They were to them, as they are 
to us, mysterious ruins. The statues gave rise to 
a myth referring to a former creation by the deity, 










rising from the lake, 1 of men and women who, 
for disobedience, were turned into stone. This 
was to account for the statues. The name of 
Tiahuanacu is modern. 2 It is said that an Inca 
happened to receive a message when visiting the 
ruins, and he compared the rapidity of the runner 
to that of the swiftest animal known to him : ' Tia, 
huanacu/ he said (' Be seated, huanacu '), and 
the place has since had that name. When the 
Spaniards arrived the ruins were very much in 
the same state as they are now. The Jesuit 
Acosta, who took measurements of the stones, 
speaks of them as ruins of very ancient buildings. 
Cieza de Leon mentions two gigantic statues 
which were much weathered and showed marks 
of great antiquity. An old schoolfellow of Garci- 
lasso, in writing to him, described the ruins as 
very ancient. 

The builders may best be described as a mega- 
lithic people in a megahthic age, an age when 
cyclopean stones were transported, and Cyclopean 
edifices raised. 

The great antiquity is shown by the masonry 
and symbolical carving, but this is not the only 
proof that Andean civilisation dates back into a far 

1 This Titicaca myth is merely of Inca origin, invented to 
account for the ruins. It is told, in various ways, by Garcilasso 
de la Vega, Cieza de Leon, Molina, Betanzos, Salcamayhua, and 
Sarmiento. It is not mentioned by Acosta, Balboa, or Montesinos. 

2 Catari, quoted by Oliva, says that the ancient name was 
Chucara. See Les Deux Tiahuanacu by Dr. M. Gonzalez de la Rosa, 
p. 406. 


distant past. The advances made by the Andean 
people in agriculture and in the domestication 
of animals must have been proceeding from a 
very remote period. Maize had been brought 
to a high state of cultivation, and this must have 
been the result of careful and systematic labour 
during many centuries. The cultivation must 
have been commenced at so remote a time that 
it is not even certainly known from what wild 
plant the original maize was derived. The wild 
potato, however, is known. It is a small tuber, 
about the size of a filbert, which has scarcely 
increased in size after a century of careful cultiva- 
tion. Yet the Andean people, after many centuries 
of such cultivation, produced excellent potatoes of 
several kinds, for each of which they had a name. 
The same may be said of the oca and quinua crops. 
The agricultural achievements of Andean man are 
evidence of the vast antiquity of his race in the 
same region. The domestication of the llama and 
alpaca furnish additional evidence of this antiquity. 
There is no wild llama. The huanacu and vicuna 
are different animals. It must have been centuries 
before the llama was completely domesticated, 
carrying burdens, yielding its wool for clothing 
and its flesh for food. Individuals are of various 
colours, as is usual with domesticated animals, 
while the wild huanacus have fleeces of the same 
colour. The domestication of the alpaca must 
have taken an equally long period, and called for 
even greater skill and care. There is no wild 


alpaca, and the tame animal is dependent on man 
for the performance of most of its functions. It 
must have taken ages to bring the silken fleeces 
to such perfection. 

There is thus good reason for assigning very 
great antiquity to the civilisation of the megalithic 
people. Another deduction from the premises is 
that there must have been a dense population for 
working quarries, moving the Cyclopean monoliths 
from a distance and placing them, as well as for 
cultivation and the provision of supplies for the 
workers. This suggests extensive dominions, and 
some movement of the people. 

We only have tradition to indicate the direction 
whence the megalithic people came. I am quite 
in agreement with Dr. Brinton that ' the culture 
of the Andean race is an indigenous growth, wholly 
self-developed, and owing none of its germs to 
any other races.' Mr. Squier came to the same 
conclusion as regards Peru, and Mr. Maudslay as 
regards the Mayas of Central America. There were 
doubtless movements among the Andean tribes, 
gradual progress extending over vast periods of 
time, and an influx from some direction to form 
the megalithic empire. But from what direction ? 
Tradition points to the south, to Charcas and 
Tucuman, and to countries beyond the southern 
tropic, as the sources of its population. It is 
interesting to find Garcilasso de la Vega, in one of 
his letters 1 ,' describing himself as an 'Antarctic 
Indian.' Cieza de Leon, the earliest author to 


collect native traditions, tells us that the people 
came from the south. Betanzos also makes the 
civilisers advance from the south. Salcamayhua 
says that all the nations of Peru came from the 
south, and settled in the various regions as they 
advanced. Molina has the same tradition. Mon- 
tesinos mentions a great invasion from the south 
in the very earliest times, later the records tell 
of the arrival of an army from Tucuman, and he 
tells of a third great invasion from the south when 
his 62nd King was reigning. On this point there 
is practical unanimity. The great population, of 
the existence of which the Tiahuanacu ruins bear 
silent testimony, represents a series of movements 
from the south. 

The Tiahuanacu ruins also point to extensive 
dominion, and to ascertain its extent and locality 
we must seek for similar cyclopean work, and for 
similar masonic skill in carving, in other parts of 

In Cuzco there is a cyclopean building in the 
Calle del Triunfo, with a huge monolith known as 
the ' stone of twelve corners.' Some portions of 
the ancient remains at Ollantay-tampu are mega- 
lithic work, as well as the ' Inca-misana ' and 
' 2V ' usta-tiana,' hewn out of the solid rock. But 
the grandest and most imposing work of the mega- 
lithic builders was the fortress at Cuzco. The 
Sacsahuaman hill, on which the fortress stood 
overlooking the city, was practically inaccessible 
on two sides, and easily defensible on another. But 


the eastern face was exposed to easy approach, 
and here the great cyclopean work was constructed. 
It consists of three parallel walls, 330 yards in 
length each, with 21 advancing and retiring angles, 
so that at every point an attack could be enfiladed 
by defenders. The outer wall, at its salient angles, 
has stones of the following dimensions : 14 ft. 
high by 12 ; another, 10 ft. by 6. There must 
have been some good cause for the erection of 
this marvellous defensive work of which we know 
nothing. Its origin is as unknown as that of 
the Tiahuanacu ruins. The Incas knew nothing. 
Garcilasso refers to towers, walls, and gates 
built by the Incas, and even gives the names 
of the architects ; but these were later de- 
fences built within the great cyclopean fortress. 1 
The outer lines must be attributed to the mega- 
lithic age. There is nothing of the kind which 
can be compared to them in any other part 
of the world. At Chavin, in the valley of the 
Maranon, there is cyclopean work, and also in 

In seeking for indications of the megalithic 
age to be found in the elaborate carving of stones, 
we at once turn to the great monoliths at Concacha, 
near Abancay, and to the stone of Chavin. At 
Concacha the huge sacrificial stone is of limestone, 
about 20 ft. long by 14 by 12. It is carved in 
channels for leading away liquids, and in other 

1 Sarmiento, p. 152. He regrets the demolition of the Inca 
citadel for material to build houses for the Spaniards in Cuzco. 


forms. It points to the megalitkic age, as does 
the circular stone with much fine workmanship in 
alto relievo, the great seats cut out of monoliths, 
and the flight of stone steps to form an artificial 
cascade. 1 On the Chavin stone we again have the 
Deity holding two sceptres, as at Tiahuanacu. 

This stone was found in about 1840, in the 
parisfc of Chavin de Huantar, in the province of 
Huari, and within the valley of the Marafion. Here 
there is a curious Inca ruin, known as the Pucara 
de Chavin. The stone had fallen from the ruins 
above, but it does not follow that it was the 
same age as the ruins. It was probably once 
part of a much more ancient edifice, after- 
wards used to adorn the more recent Inca 
fortress. In 1874 the stone was taken to Lima 
by order of the government, where it now may 
be seen. 

The Chavin stone is of diorite, 25 ft. long 
by 2 ft. 4 in. The carving is very elaborate, 
and covers the whole length and breadth of the 
stone. The principal figure occupies the lower half 
of the stone. The ornamentation is richer and 
more confused than that on the Tiahuanacu mono- 
lith. The head is still square, the chief difference 
being in the large mouth with teeth and tusks. 
The rays are not all round the head, but only 
on the sides, three in number. They are more 
curved, and end in heads resembling those of 
serpents. This was the conventional ornament 

l Squier, p. 565 ; Wiener, p. 285. 



of the later megalithic school of art. At Tiahu- 
anacu the heads are clearly those of beasts, birds, 
and fish. On the Chavin stone they are all 
the same, like heads of snakes. But I incline 
to believe that the latter are merely conven- 
tional heads to finish off the bands or rays. 
Two also come out of each of the knees of the 

As in the Tiahuanacu figure there are two arms, 
with hands grasping sceptres. But on the Chavin 
stone the sceptres, though much thicker and more 
elaborately carved, have lost their symbolic mean- 
ing. Each has two long bands terminating in 

Above the central figure of the Chavin stone 
there is a richly ornamented composition. Along 
the centre there are rows of teeth with tusks and 
three heads on either side, then curves, tusks 
alternating with bands ending in volutes. At the 
sides there are 34 long bands, 17 on each side, 
ending alternately with volutes and heads. At 
the very top two bands are twisted round each 
other, terminating with heads. The whole 
composition, above the central figure, seems to 
represent an immense and richly ornamented 

The same general idea appears to prevail in 
both the central figures at Tiahuanacu and on the 
Chavin stone. They represent the genius of the 
same people, and the same civilisation, though at 
different periods, the Chavin stone being the latest. 

D 2 


In both the pervading idea is of a figure of the 
Deity grasping a sceptre in each hand. The bands 
or rays terminating with heads or with circles and 
volutes are the same in both. At Tiahuanacu 
all the parts of the carving appear to have a sym- 
bolical meaning. The artist avoided all curves, 
preferring straight lines and correctly drawn 
rectangles. Everything seems to have an inten- 
tion or a meaning. In the Chavin stone the con- 
ception is more confused, and there is much that 
is more ornate, but apparently conventional and 

The two compositions, it may be concluded, 
are the work of the same people, with the same 
cult, the same art, and the same traditions, but 
with an interval of perhaps a century or two 
between them. There must once have been other 
stones of the same character. One was probably 
at Cacha, another at Cuzco, belonging to the same 
megalithic age. If they had not been destroyed, 
we could trace the transition from the earlier and 
simpler style, full of meaning, at Tiahuanacu, to the 
more elaborate and corrupt work on the Chavin 

Guided by the existence of megalithic ruins 
and by the carved stones, we are led to the tenta- 
tive conclusion that the ancient empire extended 
its sway over the Andean regions from an un- 
known distance south of Tucuman to Chacha- 
poyas, with Tiahuanacu (for want of the real 
name) as its centre of rule and of thought. 


We may also entertain two provisional conclu- 
sions, one of them touching the great antiquity 
of the megalithic civilisation, and the other 
with reference to the area over which it pre- 

But we must return to the most difficult 
part of the problem, namely, the climatic con- 
ditions. How could such a region as is described 
at the beginning of this essay, where corn cannot 
ripen, sustain the population of a great city 
over 12,000 ft. above the level of the sea ? 
Could the elevation have been less ? Is such 
an idea beyond the bounds of possibility? The 
height is now 12,500 ft. above the sea level, in 
latitude 16° 22' S. 

The recent studies of southern geology and 
botany * lead to the belief in a connection between 
South America and the Antarctic continental 
lands. But at a remote geological period there 
was no South America, only three land masses, 
separated by great sea inlets, a Guiana, a Brazil, 
and a La Plata island. There were no Andes. 
Then came the time when the mountains began 
to be upheaved. The process appears to have 
been very slow, gradual, and long continued. 
The Andes did not exist at all in the Jurassic, or 
even in the cretaceous period. Comparatively 
speaking, the Andes are very modern. The bones 
of a mastodon have been discovered at Ulloma, in 

1 Die Vegetation der Erde. Qrundzuge der Pflanzenverbreitwng in 
Chile von Dr. Karl Beiche (Leipzig, 1907). 


Bolivia, which is now 13,000 ft. above the sea. 
But such an animal could not have existed at such 
an elevation. Then, again, in the deserts of 
Tarapaca, embedded in the sides of ravines, there 
are numerous skeletons of gigantic ant-eaters, 
animals whose habitat is in a dense forest. When 
they lived, the deserts in which their bones are 
found must have been covered with trees. It 
is the height of the Andes, wringing all moisture 
out of the trade wind, which makes Tarapaca 
a desert. When the Andes were lower, the trade 
wind could carry its moisture over them to the 
strip of coast land which is now an arid desert, 
producing arboreal vegetation and the means of 
supporting gigantic ant-eaters. When mastodons 
lived at Ulloma, and ant-eaters in Tarapaca, 
the Andes, slowly rising, were some two or 
three thousands of feet lower than they are 
now. Maize would then ripen in the basin of 
Lake Titicaca, and the site of the ruins of 
Tiahuanacu could support the necessary popula- 
tion. If the megalithic builders were living under 
these conditions, the problem is solved. If this 
is geologically impossible, the mystery remains 
unexplained. 1 

We have indications of the megalithic civilisa- 
tion, of the direction whence it came, of its great 
antiquity, of the extent of the ancient empire, 

l Near Valparaiso the land had risen 1300 ft. within modern 
times (Darwin, p. 32), and at the island of San Lorenzo, 500 ft. 
(Darwin, p. 48). (Oeol. Obs. on S. America. Smith, Elder & Co., 1846.) 


deduced from the ruins and carved stones, and of 
the religious feeling, shown by a central figure 
worshipped by men and the brute creation. We 
know nothing more about the mysterious megalithic 
people, unless any light can be thrown on them by 
a consideration of the long list of kings, which will 
form the subject of the next chapter. 



A long list of a hundred kings of Peru, including 
the Incas, was given in the writings of Fernando 
Montesinos, who was in Peru from 1629 to 1642. 
The writer was credulous and uncritical, and 
his information was collected a century after the 
conquest, when all the instructed Indians who 
could remember the days of the Incas had passed 
away. Little credence has, therefore, been given 
to the list hitherto. But Dr. Gonzalez de la Kosa 
has recently adduced good reasons 1 for the belief 
that Montesinos merely copied the list of kings, 
which was well known long before his time. It 
was compiled, almost certainly, by Bias Valera, 
when learned men of the time of the Incas were 
still living, Valera himself being the son of an 
Indian mother, and the language of the Incas 
being his mother tongue. The list, therefore, 
comes to us on the highest authority, as a genuine 
tradition of the learned men of Inca times. It is 
thus placed in quite a different position, and calls 
for serious consideration. 

l The reasons will be given in a note in the Appendix 


The list of kings, assuming Bias Valera to have 
been the compiler, was derived from the ancient 
quipu records, expounded by learned men of the 
time of the Incas, called Amautas and Quipu- 
camayocs, who had charge of these records previous 
to the Spanish conquest. It is conceivable that 
such records may have been preserved. The 
ancient Peruvians, like other races in the same 
stage of civilisation, were genealogists, and had 
an unusual number of words to distinguish relation- 
ships. The chronology of the list, as shown by 
the length of reigns, is not exaggerated. It gives 
an average of twenty-five to twenty-seven years 
for each reign. 1 It is true that, if the whole 
represents a succession of fathers and sons, it 
would take us back to 950 b.c. But a large 
allowance may be made for successions of brothers 
or cousins, and for repetitions, which would bring 
the initial date down to about 200 B.C. 

The list commences with the names of the 
Deity, Illa Tici Uiba-cocha. We are told that 
the first word, Illa, means ' Light.' Tici means 
' foundation or beginning of things.' The word 
Uika is said to be a corruption of, meaning 
the * depository or store-house of creation.' But 
here there is some confusion. For the name of 

l From Henry II to Edward VII the average of reigns is twenty- 
eight years. From Philip Augustus of France to the present 
Duke of Orleans the same. From Alfonso VII to Alfonso XIII of 
Spain twenty-six years. From Alfonso Henriquez to Manoel II 
of Portugal the same. The same period of 897 years is taken for 
each, being the period covered by the kingdom of Portugal. 


the first recorded king is given as Pirua Paccaei 
Manco ; 1 and the Deity is said to be his God — 
the God of Pirua. In modern Quichua Pirua 
means a granary or store-house. Uira is the 
store-house or depository of all things — of creation. 
The ordinary meaning of Cocha is a lake, but 
here it is said to signify an abyss — profundity. 
The whole meaning of the words would be ' The 
splendour, the foundation, the creator, the infinite 
God.' The word Yachachic was occasionally 
added — ' the Teacher.' 

It may well be that the Tiahuanacu carving was 
an effort to give expression to this idea of the 
Deity. The names show the sublimity of thought 
attained by the ancient Peruvians in their con- 
ception of a Supreme Being — the infinite cause, 
the fundamental principle, the light of the world, 
the great teacher. 

The first recorded king, whose Deity is thus 
described, was Pirua Paccari Manco. His dynasty, 
which may be called the Pirua dynasty, would 
include the first eighteen kings in the list, who 
may possibly be megalithic sovereigns. It may 
be that some glimmer of light may be afforded by 
their names. They yield twenty-one words, of 
which sixteen have meanings in modern Quichua. 
Three of these are titles which occur frequently. 
These are Ccapac, occurring eleven times ; Yu- 
panqui, four times ; and Pachacuti twice in the 

1 Paccari means the dawn ; Manco has no meaning in the 
Quichua language. 


Pirua dynasty. Ccapac means ' rich,' but applied 
to a sovereign it conveys the idea of being ' rich 
in all virtues.' 1 The word Yupanqui is an equiva- 
lent ; literally, ' you may count/ but here it is 
' you may count for being possessed of all virtues/ 
The word Pachacuti is composed of the two 
words Pacha, * time, 5 or the ( world,' and Cutini, 
' I turn, change back, or reform.' It was applied 
to sovereigns in whose reigns there was a change 
in the calendar, or great reforms, or some important 

These three words were titles, the others are 
the actual names of sovereigns. Those which 
belong to the Quichua language have such meanings 
as princely, august, strong, the scatterer, sun, 
dawn, crystal, music, a landmark, a brick, a 
serpent, and a leveller of ground (cozque), whence 
the name Cuzco. There is also one name after a 
locality — Huascar — which also means a cable. 

Finally, there are three names which have no 
meaning in Quichua (with the exception of Pirua, 
a granary), and may be archaic, possibly mega- 
lithic. These are Ayah, Manco, Paullu. Paullu 
may possibly be a name taken from a locality. 

It has been suggested by Don Vicente Lopez 
that the Pirua dynasty ended with the eighteenth 
king, and that a new Amauta dynasty com- 
menced with the nineteenth. His only reason 
for this idea is that the successor of the 
eighteenth king is only called his heir, and not, 

l G. de la Vega. 


as heretofore, his son and heir. This is a mistake, 
for five other Piruan kings are not said to be 
sons of their predecessors. The theory is, how- 
ever, convenient, and there is perhaps a better 
reason for its adoption. After the eighteenth 
king the title Amauta first appears, and is given 
to thirteen out of the forty-six succeeding kings 
who are supposed to form the Amauta dynasty. 
The name was given to learned men, keepers of 
the records and revisers of the calendar. The 
Magian dynasty in Persia, when the same class 
seized the government, was much more short-lived. 
The words Atauchi and Auqui first appear as 
titles in the Amauta dynasty, the one meaning a 
married prince, and the other also a prince in 
Quichua, but a father in the southern dialect. 
There are also the names Raymi and Huquiz, 
which have no meaning in Quichua. It is said 
that the king with the former name gave it to the 
festivals he instituted, while King Huquiz gave 
his name to the intercalary days. The name 
Huanacauri occurs twice, and Cauri alone, once. 
This word is of peculiar interest because it was 
given to one of the most sacred idols of the Incas, 
near Cuzco. It has no meaning, though it has 
a Quichua appearance. Huan means ' with ' ; 
Huanac, 1 ' a warning. 5 Caura is a laden llama in 
the southern dialect. But it is useless to speculate. 
Two kings took the sacred name of the Deity. One 
was called UilcaSota, after the place where he 

i G. de la Vega, I. vi. p. 29. 


won a victory over invaders. The other personal 
names which are not in the Pirua list all have 
meanings in Quichua, except two or three which 
are corrupt. Their meanings are light, fire, gold, 
sacred, a chief, a boy, a beam, a head-dress, left- 
handed, blood, tobacco, a falcon, a dove, and a 
foot. There is a name, Marasco, which is sugges- 
tive, for Maras was the name of one of the tribes 
mentioned as following the children of the sun in 
the Paccari-tampu myth, which will be the subject 
of the next essay. 

The end of the early civilisation is stated to 
have been caused by a great invasion from the 
south, when the reigning king was defeated and 
killed in a battle near Pucara, in the Collao. The 
whole country broke up into a number of petty 
tribes, and barbarism returned, with a vicious state 
of society and intestine feuds. This story may 
well represent an historical fact. A remnant of 
the Amautas, with their followers, took refuge in 
a district called Tampu-tocco, 1 near the great 
river Apurimac. Here the tradition of the Deity 
was preserved, and some remnants of the old 
civilisation. Elsewhere the religion became de- 
graded — each chief adopting some natural object 
as his ancestor, and worshipping it instead of 
the old Deity. The more civilised kings of 
Tampu-tocco declared themselves to be children 
of the sun. 

1 Tampu, a tavern ; and toceo, a window. It was in the province 
of Paruro, department of Cuzeo, but the exact locality is uncertain. 


There are twenty-seven kings of Tampu-tocco 
in the list, who may cover a period of 650 years. 
Few new names appear. The most important is 
Rocca, which seems to be archaic, having no 
meaning in Qnichua. Another is Ranti Alli 
(corruptly Arantial). Ranti means a deputy, and 
Alli, good. Other names which have not occurred 
before are Huayna, a youth; Atau, fortune of 
war; Tocco, a window; Huaei, and Huispa, 
corrupt ; and Cms. Cuy means a guinea-pig. The 
last Tampu-tocco king was Inti Mayta Ccapac, the 
eighth Pachacuti. The word Mayta occurs first 
in his name, and a meaning has been given to it. 
May is where, Ta, through. Perhaps a question 
' Whither go I ? ' — recalling the last verses of the 
Emperor Hadrian. 

After this examination of the list, of kings, the 
question arises whether it throws any light on the 
problem of the megalithic age and the Tiahuanacu 
ruins. I am disposed to think that we may obtain 
a glimmering of light from it. The record of the 
names and attributes of the ancient Deity is 
important. The destruction of the old civilisation, 
in a great battle, and the subsequent disruption, 
with the preservation of some remnant of civilisa- 
tion and religion at Tampu-tocco, the place of 
refuge, explains what follows. The superiority and 
predominance of the so-called children of the sun 
is thus explained. It may be that the Pirua and 
Amauta dynasties may possibly represent the 
sovereigns of the megalithic empire. Its decline 


and fall was followed by centuries of barbarism, so 
that the people had almost forgotten its existence, 
while the tribes of the Collao were probably of 
another race, descendants of invaders. As the 
Bible and the literature and art of Greece and Eome 
were preserved through centuries of barbarism by 
the monasteries, so the religion and civilisation of 
the megalithic empire were preserved through 
centuries of barbarism by the Amautas of Tampu- 
tocco. In one case the dark period was succeeded 
by the age of the Eenaissance, in the other by the 
enlightened rule of the Incas. 



There is a myth which was told to all the Spanish 
authors by their native informants, and is retailed 
by them with some variations, the most authentic 
version being that officially received from the 
Incas by Sarmiento. While the Titicaca myth 
was obviously invented to account for the ancient 
ruins and statues, and has no historical value, the 
Paccari-tampu myth is as certainly the outcome 
of a real tradition, and is the fabulous version of a 
distant historical event. 

We are taken to the country of refuge at 
Tampu-tocco, where one side is protected from 
invasion by the deep gorge of the Apurimac. The 
fugitives of long ages back had multiplied. The 
descendants were more civilised, therefore more 
powerful than their neighbours, and the time had 
come for the acquisition of better and more exten- 
sive territory. The idea of windows in the follow- 
ing myth was perhaps suggested by the word 
Tocco, the meaning of which is a windowin Quichua. 
The district is called Paccari-tampu, or the 'Tavern 
of the Dawn,' in the legend, and Tampu-tocco is 



the hill with the three openings or windows, called 
Mar as, 1 Sutic, and Ccapac. 

The legend relates how, out of the Maras 
window came a tribe with the same name, from 
the Sutic window came a tribe named Tampu. 
Out of the central Ccapac window came four 
august personages, all bearing the title of Ayar, 
a designation of several of the ancient kings. 
There were Manco, the princely ; Ayar Auca, 2 the 
fighting or joyful Ayar ; Cachi, the salt Ayar ; and 
Uchu, the pepper Ayar. With them were their 
four wives, Occlo, the august princess; Huaco, 
the warlike princess; Ipacura, 3 the elder aunt; 
and Eaua. 

The four children of the sun, with their four 
wives, consulted together and came to a momentous 
decision : ' We are born strong and wise, and with 
the people who will follow us we are powerful. 
We will go forth to seek more fertile lands, and 
when we find them we will subdue the people, 
making war upon all who do not receive us as their 
Lords.' There was a considerable force at their 
command besides the two tribes who are said to 
have issued from the windows on the hill of Tampu- 
Tocco, named Maras and Tampu. Eight other 
ayllus or lineages were mustered under the banner 
of the Ayars, whose names were preserved. The 

l Name of a former king, Mabas(to)co. The meaning of Sutic 
would be ' named ' ; Ccapac, a regal title. 

3 Garcilasso and Montesinos have Sauca, Betanzos and Balboa 
with Sarmiento have Auca. Sauca means pleasure, joy. 

3 Or Cuba, as others say. Ipa is the word for an aunt. 



Chavin tribe served under the salt Ayar. With it 
were the Arayraca tribe, the Cuycusa, the Masca, 1 
the Uru, 2 and the SaSoc. The Tarpuntay was 
probably the priestly and sacrificial caste, while the 
Huacay Taqui ayllu was also a religious body 
conducting ceremonials and musical festivals. The 
gathering of these ten tribes together seems to 
have been a veritable exodus under the leadership 
of the Ayars. For they not only took with them 
their arms, but also their movable property, wives 
and children. 

Their way was north-east for not more than 
twenty-five miles, for no doubt Cuzco was their 
goal from the beginning, well known to them as a 
desirable central position where megalithic build- 
ings gave evidence of former occupation by the 
ancient civilisers. Starting from their homes at 
Tampu-tocoo their movements were slow and 
deliberate, even stopping to sow and reap. The 
Ayar Manco was the leader. He took with him 
a golden staff. When the soil was so fertile that 
its whole length sank into the rich mould, there 
was to be the final resting-place. He also had 
with him a bird hke a falcon, carried in a hamper, 
which all the people looked upon as sacred. It 
does not appear whether it was alive or artificial, 
but it was the Ayar's f amiliar spirit called Huauqui, 
or brother. 

Their first march took this army of empire 
builders to a place called Huanacancha, where there 

i Mascani, to search. 2 Uru, a spider. 


was a long halt, and the next sojourn was at Tampu- 
quiru and Pallata, contiguous villages. Here 
they remained for several years sowing and reaping 
crops. But they were not satisfied with it, 
and moved on to another valley, called Hais 

The story proceeds to relate the way in which 
Manco got rid of his three brothers, so as to rule 
alone. The salt Ayar is described as so cruel 
and oppressive that the brothers feared that their 
followers would desert and leave them alone. He 
was so dexterous with the sling, and so strong that 
with each shot he pulled down a mountain and 
filled up a ravine. The existing ravines on the 
line of march were made by the salt Ayar in 
hurling rocks. The Inca Garcilasso tells us that 
the meaning of salt (Cachi), as applied to this Ayar, 
signifies instruction in rational life. His teaching 
must have been rather vigorous. We are told that 
his brothers feared him, and conspired to take 
his life. 

They made a plot alike cunning and cruel. 
They called the salt Ayar to them and told him 
that some precious insignia had been forgotten, 
and left in the cave whence they came, called 
Ccapac - tocco. These were the golden vases 
called Tupac Cusi, and the Napa, a sacred figure 
of a llama. They said that it would be for the 
good of all if he would go back and fetch them. 
At first he refused, but the strong-minded Mama 
Huaco rebuked him with stinging words : ' How is 

E 2 


it that there should be such cowardice in so strong 
a youth as you are ? ' she exclaimed. ' Get ready 
for the journey, and do not fail to return to Tampu- 
tocco, and do as you are desired/ He was shamed 
by these words, and set out with a companion 
named Tampu-chacay, who was an accomplice of 
the fratricides. When they arrived the salt Ayar 
entered the cave to fetch the treasures, which were 
not really there. His treacherous companion, 
with great celerity, rolled a rock against the open- 
ing and sat upon it, so that the salt Ayar might 
remain inside and die there. The outraged prince 
exerted all his mighty strength to move the rock. 
His cries made the mountains tremble. But all 
was of no avail. With his last breath he de- 
nounced the traitor, declaring that he should be 
turned into a stone and never return to report the 
success of his crime. To this day the traitor 
stone may be seen by the side of the Ccapac-tocco. 
The salt Ayar was thus disposed of. Next came 
the turn of the pepper Ayar. 

The army of the Ayars continued their very 
deliberate advance, and came to a place called 
Quirirmanta, only a few miles from the valley of 
Cuzco. Here there was a hill which, according 
to Sarmiento, was afterwards called Huanacaubi. 
According to the legend, the brothers saw a sacred 
Huaca or idol on the hill, and proposed to take 
it away with them. The pepper Ayar was in- 
duced to approach it, and when he came in contact 
with the idol he was himself converted into stone. 


He just had time to say : ' Go, happy brothers. 
When you celebrate the Huarachicu, I shall be 
adored as the father of the young knights, for I 
must remain here for ever.' Garcilasso explains 
that the name of pepper (Uchu) was applied to this 
Ayar as symbolically meaning the delight experi- 
enced from leading a rational life. Huanacauri 1 
or Huayna-captiy a became one of the most 
sacred Huacas of the Peruvians. The word 
seems to have reference to the great festival 
when the youths received a sort of knighthood, 
the ceremony being performed near the Huaca. 
Huayna means a youth. Cauri is corrupt and 
has no meaning, but Captiy is the present sub- 
junctive of the auxiliary verb. Here the un- 
fortunate pepper Ayar was kept in memory, and 
received adoration at the great annual festival of 
arming the youths, for many generations. 

Ayar Manco had now disposed of two of his 
brothers. The turn of the joyful or fighting Ayar 
was to come next. Meanwhile the march con- 
tinued festina lente; and two years were passed 
in sowing and reaping at a place called Matahua, 
just within the Cuzco valley. Then it is related 
that Ayar Manco hurled his golden staff as far 
as Huanay-pata, where it sank into the earth. 
By this they knew that the land was fertile and 

l Cieza de Leon tells much the same story. Garcilasso mentions 
Huanacauri four times as a place of great sanctity. It is frequently 
mentioned by Molina. 

a Salcamayhua'has Huayna -captiy. 


suited for settlement. But first the joyful Ayar 
must be disposed of. A pile of stones was in sight, 
where the temple of the sun afterwards stood. 
Manco told his last remaining brother, who was 
winged, that he must fly thither and take possession 
of the territory. The joyful Ayar did so, and when 
he sat on the mount, lo and behold ! he was turned 
into a stone. This cairn or mound was called 
Cuzco, whence the name of the future city. The 
word means literally a clod of earth, or hard, _un- 
irrigated land. Cuzquini is to level or break clods 
of earth. 

Whether the three Ayars were disposed of in 
this miraculous way, or whether their lives were 
taken without a disturbance of the laws of nature, 
Manco now had no rival. He occupied a strong 
position with his army, near the joyous Ayar's 
fatal Cuzco, and forcibly subdued the Alcavisas 
and other former settlers in the valley. 

This Paccari-tampu myth is, I believe, founded 
on an important historical event. It records the 
march of those descendants of the ancient civil- 
isers who took refuge at Tampu-tocco. They 
were empire builders marching to Cuzco, with their 
religious beliefs and ceremonies, their insignia of 
royalty, their traditions of laws and customs, and 
their household gods. 

The fertile vale of Cuzco, several miles in length, 
and surrounded by mountains, is in latitude 13° 30' S. 
and 11,380 ft. above the level of the sea. Over 
its site rises the imposing hill of Sacsahuaman, 


with the ancient cyclopean fortress on the eastern 
side. This famous mount is separated from the 
hills on either side by deep ravines, down which 
two torrents flow, called the Huatanay and Tulu- 
mayu. Keaching the level ground which forms 
the site of Cuzco, they often overflowed their 
banks, causing swamps and injuring the land. 
Eventually they form a junction, and the united 
stream flows down the valley to join the Vilcamayu. 
It was at the junction of the torrents, about a mile 
from the foot of the Sacsahuaman, that Manco 
established his settlement. Here he erected the 
House of the Sun, called Inti-cancha, but for a 
long time it was more a fortress than a temple. 
He and his successors subdued the former in- 
habitants of the valley, and the ten tribes from 
Tampu-tocco occupied their lands. These ayllus, or 
tribes, formed the fighting strength of the restored 
rule. Some of them, as the dominion extended, 
went further afield. The Maras tribe gave its 
name to the village of Maras, on the plateau over- 
looking the lovely vale of Vilcamayu. The Uru 
tribe was established at Urupampa, in the vale 
itself ; and the Tampu tribe further down the 
same valley. 

The date of the event recorded in the Paccari- 
tampu myth may be placed at about four centuries 
before the Spanish conquest, in 1100 a.d. or 
thereabouts. Sarmiento places it at 565 a.d., by 
making each generation cover a century. 

There is practical unanimity among all 


authorities with regard to the names of the four 
first successors of Manco. They were Sinchi 
Kocca, Lloque Yupanqui, Mayta Ccapac, and 
Ccapac Yupanqui. Most of these names are 
merely titles. The actual names are Kocca, 
Lloque, and Mayta. For the fourth only titles 
are given, and no personal name. The kings con- 
tinued to live within the fortified Inti-cancha, 
dividing the land between the torrents into four 
quarters, to be occupied by their followers: namely 
Quinti-cancha, or the angular place, where the 
torrents join ; Chumpi-cancha, or the place of 
stone heaps, perhaps buildings ; Sayri-cancha, or 
the place where the Sayri plant was cultivated ; 
and Yarampuy-cancha, another place for cul- 
tivation. These four kings undertook no great 
enterprise. Mayta Ccapac alone showed any 
energy, by finally subjugating the tribes in 
the Cuzco valley. The kings at the Inti-cancha 
were respected by the surrounding chiefs as 
children of the sun, and for their superior 
knowledge and civilisation. Envoys were sent 
to them, some with submission, and they 
wisely cemented alliances by marriages with 
daughters of their more powerful neighbours. 
The marriages with sisters was a much later custom 
of their prouder and more imperially minded 

Apparently these early successors of Manco, 
owing to a certain superiority, occupied a position 
of priority, scarcely of suzerainty, over a very 


loose confederacy of surrounding tribes speaking 
the same language. But this was not what was 
contemplated by the Ayar Manco, who had filled 
the minds of his tribes with ambitious ideas. 
There was a feeling of unrest and discontent, the 
very opportunity to be seized by a highly gifted 
adventurer, if time should produce one. 



There was a feeling of unrest among the descend- 
ants of the conquering tribes led by the Ayars to 
Cuzco. Vice was unchecked, the leaders of the 
people remained inert in the Inti-cancha, and no 
progress was made. Yet the people themselves 
were still vigorous, only needing a resolute chief, 
with a genius for command, to guide and direct 
their destinies. 

Among the discontented there was an ambitious 
lady, said to have been of the blood-royal, who, in 
consultation with her sister, one of the most noted 
sorceresses of that day, resolved to effect a revolu- 
tion. Her name was Siuyaou, or the ' gradually 
increasing ring.' 1 She was shrewd, cautious, and 

Her son Eocca was to be the instrument to 
effect the revolution she contemplated for the good 
of her people. He was a youth in his twentieth 
year, well formed, handsome, valiant, and with a 
mind filled with lofty ideals. Already he was the 

1 Siui, a ring ; yacu, a particle, denoting gradual advance or 
increase. The corrupt form is Ceuaco, 



leader of the young men who were discontented, and 
among his intimates he was called Inca or Lord. 

The lady Siuyacu thus opened the subject to 
her son. * My son/ she began, ' you have a 
knowledge of the very happy estate enjoyed by 
our ancestors, when they occupied themselves in 
military exercises, and lived in conformity with 
the will of our great father the sun, and of the 
Supreme Creator Illa Tici Uira-cocha. By this 
path the city flourished, there was a succession of 
many kings, the realm was extended, the course of 
events was prosperous, and we always triumphed 
over our enemies, of which things our quipus are 
full. All this is now changed. The country is in 
the miserable state in which you see it. But I 
have determined that you shall be king. I trust 
in the aid of the Supreme Creator, that he will 
favour my plans, and I trust that you, by your 
valour and wisdom, will be the Restorer of the city 
and the kingdom to its ancient prosperity/ 

She ceased. Tears flowed from her eyes as she 
waited anxiously for her son's reply. There was a 
long pause. Rocca appeared to be deep in thought. 
After a time the valiant youth delivered his answer. 
' Mother and Lady ! ' he said, ' what you have 
proposed must be for the common good of all the 
realm. As to what you have said of me, I dutifully 
accept your judgment. I declare to you that I 
am ready to give my life a thousand times that 
your noble aspirations may be fulfilled/ 

His mother was satisfied, for she knew the 


resolution of her son if he once undertook an enter- 
prise, that with him there would be no turning 
back, and she was impressed with his wisdom in 
accepting counsel, and with his capacity in the 
execution of a carefully prepared scheme. She 
embraced him, declaring that she hoped no less of 
his valour and high spirit. She impressed him with 
the absolute necessity of silence, and charged him 
to follow exactly the instructions he would receive 
from herself and his aunt, the sorceress. 

The lady Siuyacu next gave an account to her 
sister of this interview with her son, dwelling on 
the attention he had given to her words, and on 
his willingness to enter into her plans. His attitude 
promised success, and the sisters determined to 
take action without delay. The sorceress em- 
ployed certain artisans, who were sworn to secrecy, 
to beat out a great number of square pieces of fine 
gold, with small holes perforated at each corner. 
They then sewed them on to a long garment, 
reaching from the neck to the heels, with numerous 
brilliant precious stones between the golden plates. 
The whole shone like the rays of the sun. The sisters 
then made several trials with the youth, to decide 
upon the way in which he should appear. At last 
they took him to a cave called Chingana, in the side 
of the Sacsahuaman hill, which overlooks the city. 
They dressed him in the gold-embroidered robe,' 
and told him, at the end of four days, to appear 
at noon, on the height that dominates the whole 
city, so that the people might see him, and then 


to return to his hiding-place, where sufficient food 
had been provided. 

The two sisters then declared to the people that, 
while their son and nephew, Inca Rocca, was 
sleeping in the house, the sun came down and 
carried him up to heaven enveloped in its rays, 
saying that he would soon return as king and 
favoured child of the great luminary. The solemn 
statement was confirmed by six members of the 
family who were Witnesses. Partly on account of 
these assurances, partly because they had long 
looked upon Rocca as a child of destiny, most of 
the people believed the story. If there were any 
doubts they were soon dispelled. 

Great numbers of people came from far and 
near to hear the news. On the fourth day sacrifices 
were offered to the sun from early morning, with 
earnest prayers that the youth might be restored. 

Immense crowds were in the open space before 
the Inti-cancha. The hour of noon arrived. The 
busy hum of voices ceased. There was an awed 
silence, for there, on the summit of the Sacsahua- 
man hill, in the sight of all men, stood a golden 
figure glittering in the sun's rays. Then it suddenly 
disappeared, but thousands had seen it. The effect 
was indescribable. It must be Rocca, without 
doubt, and the sun had shown him, in answer to 
their prayers. 

At nightfall the lady Siuyacu was at the 
Chingana, instructing her son to appear again, in 
the same way, at the end of two days, and then 


hide himself as before. During the interval the 
people were in suspense, and full of anxiety to 
see the end of such wonderful events. After two 
days the golden figure was again seen, for a few 
moments, on the summit of the Sacsahuaman hill. 
The feelings of the people were wrought up to the 
highest pitch of excitement. Siuyacu seized the 
fateful moment. She announced that the Supreme 
Creator, Illa Tici, had told her to go to the cave 
Chingana, where she would find her son. He was 
to be taken to the temple, where the people would 
hear the divine message from his lips, and must 
obey him in all things as one inspired by the Deity. 
The people prepared themselves by dressing as 
for a festival, amidst the most enthusiastic re- 
joicings. Then nearly the whole population, led 
by the lady Siuyacu, rushed up the hill, along 
the walls of the megalithic fortress, to the Chingana 
cave. Under a carved stone they found young 
Rocca rechning, apparently asleep. He awoke, and, 
rising to his feet, he told the people, with an air 
of great authority, that they must repair to the 
temple, where, by command of his father the sun, 
he would give them the message he had received. 

The return of the people was more solemn. 
There was an awed silence. Rocca was seated on 
a golden throne within the temple. The vast 
crowd was eager to hear the message. A profound 
silence prevailed throughout the vast concourse 
of listeners as he rose to speak. These are said to 
have been his words : ' No one can doubt, my 


friends, the special love which my father the sun 
feels for us. When he weakened the power of 
this realm so that it fell to pieces, he took care 
to provide a remedy. It was vice and sloth 
which consumed its grandeur, and reduced it 
almost to a vanishing point. Our policy was 
turned into a system of each man being his own 
master, leaving us to be satisfied with the thought 
that once we had a government. The tribute 
which every province used to pay, is replaced by 
disdain. You yourselves, instead of performing 
duties of men, follow the path of animals, you 
have become so effeminate that you have forgotten 
what a sling or an arrow may be. 

' My father the sun has permitted this down- 
fall, and yet has preserved you from falling into 
slavery. Now his providence will apply a remedy. 
His command is that you must obey me in all 
things, as his son. My first decree is that you 
must apply yourselves to warlike exercises. This 
you must do, for it was by discipline and exercises 
that our ancestors became Lords of the World, as 
our Quipucamayocs tell us. Thus occupied, idleness 
will be driven away, you will become accustomed 
to obedience, you will recover what has been lost, 
and you will finally regain the glory that has 
departed. In my father the sun you will have 
support. His rays will not dry up the land, nor 
will the moon deny its rains, evils from which our 
country has suffered at various times. My laws 
will be those of the ancient kings, and will not be 


new inventions. The happy feature of my promises 
is that they come from my father the sun, and 
cannot fail. The punishment of disobedience will 
be thunder that will terrify you, tempests to afflict 
you, rains to destroy your crops, and hghtning to 
deprive you of life.' 

Eocca said all this with such solemnity that 
no one dared to dispute his words. The whole 
people proclaimed him their sovereign by acclama- 
tion, and the revolution was completed. He 
began to reign with the title of Inca Eocca. His 
first act was to remove from the Inti-cancha, which 
ceased to be the royal residence, and was given 
up entirely to the temple for the service of the sun. 
The Inca moved to the upper part of the town, and 
fixed his residence in an ancient building of the 
megalithic age. In its wall is the huge stone of 
twelve corners. 

This interesting tradition is told by Montesinos, 
and is probably near the truth, for there are in- 
dications of a revolution of some kind, in Acosta, 
Morua, and other writers, at the time of Eocca's 

An important measure of the new sovereign 
was the division of people of every district into 
upper and lower, Hanan and Huein. Great im- 
portance was attached to this arrangement, though 
it is not quite clear on what grounds it was in- 
stituted, and what purposes it was intended to 
serve. In Cuzco it was decreed that all the 
descendants of Inca Eocca should be Hanan 


Cuzcos, and settle in the upper part of the city. 
Half the ayllus which marched to Cuzco with Ayar 
Manco were also to be Hanan Cuzcos. These were : 




Tarpuntay (sacrificer), 

Huacay Taqui (sacred music). 

Perhaps these five tribes had shown more 
devotion to the cause of the new ruler than 
the others. The descendants of Rocca's pre- 
decessors were all to be Hurin Cuzcos, and to live 
in the lower part of the city. The other five 
original ayllus were also Hurin Cuzcos : 

Tampu (settled at OUantay-tampu), 


Masca (Mascani, I search), 

Maras (settled at Maras), 

Uru (settled at Urupampa). 

Probably the division into upper and lower was 
connected, in some way, with the military exercises 
which were rigorously enforced by Inca Rocca. 
The descendants of the ten original ayllus mustered 
upwards of 20,000 fighting men. Several military 
expeditions were undertaken, and several neigh- 
bouring tribes were subdued — Muyna, Pinahua, 
Cayto-marca, and others — though their territories 
were not then permanently occupied. But the 
foundations were laid for a great army, destined 
to conquer and subjugate the whole Andean 


region. The ten original ayllus were the old 
guard, round which the rest of the army was 
formed. The exercises were continuous, and the 
Inca's son, Vicaquirau, and nephew, Apu Mayta, 
the two greatest generals the American race has 
produced, were trained under the eye of the 
Inca Eocca. It was their prowess and military 
skill that, during the three following reigns, 
created the empire of the Incas. 

In all respects Inca Rocca appears to have been 
the pioneer of empire. The last recorded appear- 
ance of the lady Siuyacu was when she urged 
her son to lose no time in suppressing the vicious 
and slothful habits of the people. He made 
severe laws with this object, which were rigorously 
enforced. He also erected schools called Yacha- 
huasi to train youths as accountants, and recorders 
of events. The walls of the Inca's schools still 
resist the efforts of time. The grand city of 
later Incas was commenced under the auspices of 
Rocca. The torrents of Huatanay and Rodadero, 
rushing down the ravines on either side of the 
Sacsahuaman hill, had hitherto periodically over- 
flowed their banks, and there were ponds and 
swamps, one of them on the site of the present 
cathedral of Cuzco. The Inca Rocca confined 
the torrents within solid walls, drained the site of 
the future city, and led off conduits to irrigate 
the valley. Thus the surrounding country, by 
a system of terrace cultivation and irrigation, was 
enabled to support a much larger population. 


The custom of boring their ears and enlarging the 
lobes until they were a great length, which pre- 
vailed with the Incas, their relations, and the 
ten ayllus, obtained for them the name of Hatun- 
rincriyoc, 1 or great-eared people, which the 
Spaniards turned into Orejones. The latter word 
is constantly occurring in the early chronicles 
and narratives, and is a convenient word to use in 
writing of the Inca nobles. The Incas and their 
Orejones, then, by their greater power and civilisa- 
tion, and their prestige as children of the sun, 
had attained to a certain predominance over most 
of the neighbouring tribes. Yet some stoutly 
maintained independence, even within a dozen 
miles of Cuzco, and some, like the Ayamarcas, were 
hostile and defiant. 

l Ccollasca Bincri, bored ears ; ccolla means tender, but ccalla, 



A stkange and unlooked-for event cast a shadow, 
though only for a brief period, over the Inca 
Rocca's life. He had married a very beautiful 
girl named Micay, the daughter of a neighbouring 
chief who ruled over a small tribe called Pata 
Hu ay ll ac an. J She was the mother of four princes : 
Cusi Hualpa, the heir, Paucar, Huaman, and 
Vicaquirau, the future general. 

We are told that Micay, the Inca's wife, had 
previously been promised by her father to Tocay 
Ccapac, the powerful chief of the Ayamarcas, a 
much more numerous tribe than the Huayllacans. 
Her marriage with the Inca caused a deadly feud 
between those two tribes. Hostilities were con- 
tinued for a long time, and at last the Huayllacans 
prayed for peace. It was granted, but with a secret 
clause that the chief of the Huayllacans would 
entice away the Inca's eldest son and heir, and 
deliver him into the hands of his father's enemy, 
the chief of the Ayamarcas. If this condition 
was not complied with, Tocay Ccapac declared 
that he would continue the war until the Huay- 
llacans were blotted out of existence. 

1 Huaylla, green, fresh ; can, he is. 


These Ayamarcas x were at one time a very- 
powerful tribe, in a mountainous region about 
twenty miles SSW. of Cuzco ; while the Huay- 
llacans were in a fertile valley between the 
Ayamarcas and that city. 

In accordance with the agreement, a treacherous 
plot was laid. An earnest request was sent to 
the Inca that his heir, the young Cusi Hualpa, 
might be allowed to visit his mother's relations, 
so as to become acquainted with them. Quite 
unsuspicious, the Inca consented and sent the 
child, who was then about eight years of age, 
to Micucancha, or Paulu, the chief place of the 
Huayllacans, with about twenty attendants. The 
young prince was received with great festivities, 
which lasted for several days. It was summer time. 
The sun was scorching, and the child passed his time 
in a verandah or trellis work, called arapa, covered 
with bright flowers. 

One day it was announced that the whole tribe 
must march to some distance to harvest the crops. 
As it was still very hot, the Huayllacan chief 
insisted that the young prince should remain in 
the shade, and not accompany the harvesters, who 
had to go a considerable distance under the blazing 
sun. The prince's attendants consented, and all 

l Marca is a terrace or a village on a hill. Ayar was the title 
of Manoo and his brothers. But Cieza de Leon, Garoilasso de la 
Vega, Sarmiento, and Salcamayhua leave out the r. It then 
becomes Aya, ' dead.' The month of October was called Ayamarca 
Baymi, Molina says, because the Ayamarcas held their chief festival 
in that month. 


the tribe, old and young, boys and girls, marched up 
the hills to the harvesting, singing songs with 
choruses. All was bright sunshine, and their 
haylli, or harvest song, was in praise of the shade : 

' Seek the shadow, seek the shade, 
Hide us in the blessed shade. 

' Where is it ? where, where, where ? 
Here it is, here, here, here. 

' Where the pretty cartful l blooms, 
Where the chihua's 2 flower smiles, 
Where the sweet amancay 3 droops. 

' There it is ! there, there, there ! 
Yes, we answer, there, there. 

The child listened to the sounds of singing 
as the harvesters passed away out of sight, and 
then played among the flowers, surrounded by 
his personal attendants. The place was entirely 
deserted. When the sound of the singers had died 
away in the distance there was profound silence. 
Suddenly, without the slightest warning, the warcry 

l Pariphragmos uniflora (R.P.), a phlox. 

3 Chihuayhua, a calceolaria. Chihua is a sort of thrush, 

3 Amancay, Amaryllis aurea (R.P.) 


' Atau ! Atau ! ' was heard in all directions, and 
the httle party was surrounded by armed men. 
The Orejones struggled valorously in defence of 
their precious charge until they were all killed, 
when the young prince was carried off. 

Tocay Ccapac waited to hear the result of his 
treacherous raid in his chief abode, called Ahuayra- 
cancha, or ' the place of woof and warp.' When 
the raiders returned they entered their chief's 
presence, with the young prince, shouting ' Behold 
the prisoner we have brought you.' The chief 
said, ' Is this the child of Mama Micay, who should 
have been my wife ? ' The Prince answered, ' I 
am the son of the great Inea Kocca and of Mama 
Micay.' Unsoftened by his tender years, or by 
his likeness to his beautiful mother, the savage 
chief ordered the child to be taken out and killed. 

Then a strange thing happened. Surrounded 
by cruel enemies with no pitying eye to look on him, 
young Cusi Hualpa, a child of eight years, stood up 
to defy them. He must show himself a child of the 
sun, and maintain the honour of his race. With 
a look of indignation beyond his years he uttered 
a curse upon his captors. His shrill young voice 
was heard, amidst the portentous silence of his 
enemies. ' I tell you/ he cried, ' that as sure as 
you murder me there will fall such a curse upon 
you and your children that you will all come to 
an end, without any memory being left of your 
nation.' He ceased, and, to the astonishment of 
his captors, tears of blood flowed from his eyes. 


' Yahuar huaccac ! ' ' Yahuar huaccac !' 'He weeps 
blood,' they shouted in horror. His curse and 
this unheard-of phenomenon filled the Ayamarcas 
with superstitious fear. They recoiled from the 
murder. Tocay Ccapac and his people thought 
that the curse from so young a child and the tears 
of blood betokened some great mystery. They 
dared not kill him. He stood up in their midst 

Tocay Ccapac saw that his people would not 
kill the young prince then, or with their own hands 
at any time, yet he did not give up his intention 
of gratifying his thirst for vengeance. He resolved 
to take the child's life by a course of starvation and 
exposure. He gave him into the charge of shep- 
herds who tended flocks of llamas on the lofty 
height overlooking the great plain of Suriti, where 
the climate is exceedingly rigorous. The shep- 
herds had orders to reduce his food, day by day, 
until he died. 

Young Cusi Hualpa had the gift of making 
friends. The shepherds did not starve him, 
though for a year he was exposed to great hard- 
ships. No doubt, however, the life he led on those 
frozen heights improved his health and invigorated 
his frame. 

The Inca was told that his son had mysteriously 
disappeared, and that his attendants were also 
missing. The Huayllacan chief expressed sorrow, 
and pretended that diligent searches had been 
made. Inca Rocca suspected the Ayamarcas, but 


did not then attack them, lest, if the child was 
alive, they might kill him. As time went on the 
bereaved father began to despair of ever seeing 
his beloved son again. 

Meanwhile the prince was well watched by the 
shepherds and by a strong guard, which had been 
sent to ensure his remaining in unknown captivity. 
But help was at hand. One of the concubines of 
Tocay Ccapac, named Chimpu Urma, or 'the 
fallen halo/ had probably been a witness of the 
impressive scene when the child wept blood. At 
all events, she was filled with pity and the desire 
to befriend the forlorn prince. She was a native 
of Anta, a small town at no great distance from 
Cuzco. As a friend of Tocay Ccapac she was free 
to go where she liked, within his dominions and 
those of the chief of Anta, who was her father. 

Chimpu Urma persuaded her relations and 
friends at Anta to join with her in an attempt to 
rescue the young prince. It had been arranged 
by the shepherds and guards that, on a certain day, 
some boys, including Cusi Hualpa, should have a 
race up to the top of a hill in front of the shepherds' 
huts. Hearing this, Chimpu Urma stationed her 
friends from Anta, well armed, on the other side 
of the same hill. The race was started, and the 
prince reached the summit first, where he was 
taken up in the arms of his Anta friends, who made 
a rapid retreat. The other boys gave the alarm, 
and the jailers (shepherds and guards) followed in 
chase. On the banks of a small lake called 


Huaylla-punu, the men of Anta, finding that they 
were being overtaken, made a stand. There was 
a fierce battle, which resulted in the total defeat of 
the Ayamarcas. The men of Anta continued their 
journey, and brought the prince safely to their 
town, where he was received with great rejoicings. 

Cusi Hualpa quite won the hearts of the people 
of Anta. They could not bear to part with him, 
and they kept him with great secrecy, delaying to 
send the joyful news to the Inca. Anta is a small 
town built up the side of a hill which bounds the 
vast plain of Suriti to the south. There is a 
glorious view from it, but the climate is severe. 
At last, after nearly a year, the Anta people sent 
messengers to inform the Inca. The child had been 
given up for lost. All hope had been abandoned. 
Rocca examined the messengers himself, but still 
he felt doubt. He feared the news was too good 
to be true. He secretly sent a man he could trust, 
as one seeking charity, to Anta, to find out the truth. 
The Inca's emissary returned with assurances 
that the young prince was certainly liberated, and 
was at Anta. 

The Inca at last gave way to rejoicing, all doubt 
being removed. Principal lords were sent with 
rich presents of gold and silver to the chief of Anta, 
requesting him to send back the heir to the throne. 
The chief replied that all his people wished that 
Cusi Hualpa could remain, for they felt much love 
for the boy, yet they were bound to restore him 
to his father. He declined to receive the presents, 


but he made one condition. It was that he and 
his people should be accepted as relations of the 
Inca. So the young prince came back to his 
parents, and was joyfully received Inca Rocca 
then visited Anta in person, and declared that the 
chief and his people were, from henceforward, 
raised to the rank of Orejones. The Huayllacans 
made abject submission, and, as Cusi Hualpa 
generously interceded for them, they were forgiven. 
Huaman Poma furnishes a curious corroboration 
of the story of the stolen child. Of all his portraits 
of the Incas, Rocca is the only one who is portrayed 
with a little boy. Huaman Poma did not know 
the story of the kidnapping and the recovered boy 
— at least, he never mentions it. All he knew was 
that only Inca Rocca was to be portrayed with a 
little boy. 1 

Inca Rocca died after a long and glorious reign, 
during which he firmly laid the foundations of a 
great empire. His son Cusi Hualpa succeeded 
at the age of nineteen. He was commonly known 
by his surname of Yahuar Huaccac, or * weeping 
blood.' His reign was memorable for the changes 
that took place in the system and objects of Inca 
warfare. The campaigns were no longer mere 
raids on hostile or rebellious tribes. The Inca's 
brother, Vicaquirau, and his cousin, Apu Mayta, 
were administrators quite as much as generals. 
Every attack on a hostile tribe ended in complete 

l The story of the kidnapping ia also mentioned by Morua. 


annexation. As the fame of the generals spread, 
the greater number of tribes submitted without 
resistance. Those who resisted were made terrible 
examples of, and if necessary a garrison was left 
in their principal place. The Ayamarcas were 
entirely crushed. Thus the Inca realm was every 
year extended, and at the same time consolidated. 

Cusi Hualpa had five sons : Pahuac Hualpa 
May ta, so named from his agility as a runner ; 1 
Hatun Tupac, Vicchu Tupac, Marca Yutu, 2 and 
Rocca. The Huayllacans, unimpressed by the 
pardon for their former treachery, conspired to 
make Marca Yutu the successor of his father, 
because he was more nearly related to their chief. 
With this object they enticed Pahuac Hualpa into 
their power and murdered him. For this there 
could be no forgiveness, and the tribe was entirely 
wiped out of existence by the Inca's generals. 
The second son, Hatun Tupac, then became the heir. 

The new heir to the throne had, rather blas- 
phemously, added to his real name of Hatun Tupac, 
the surname of Uira-cocha, which was that of the 
Deity. One reason that is given was that, being at 
Urcos, a town about twenty-five miles south of 
Cuzco, a vision of the Deity appeared to him in a 
dream. When he related his experience to his 
attendants next morning, his tutor, named Hualpa 
Rimachi, offered congratulations and hailed the 
young prince as Inca Uira-cocha. Others say that 
he took the name because he adopted the Deity 

l Pdhuani, I run, 2 Hillside partridge. 


as his godfather, when he was armed and went 
through other ceremonies at the festival of 
Huarachicu. Be this how it may, he always called 
himself Uira-cocha. His father, mindful of the 
debt of gratitude he owed to the people of Anta, 
married his heir to a daughter of their chief, and 
niece of his deliverer, Chimpu Urma. The lady's 
name was Runtu-caya. 1 

In the fulness of time Cusi Hualpa (Yahuar 
Huaccac) was succeeded by his son Hatun Tupac, 
calling himself Uira-cocha. The policy of the two 
great generals was continued, and the whole region 
between the rivers Apurimac and Vilcamayu, 
the Inca region, was annexed and consolidated 
into one realm under the Inca. The names of 
Uira-cocha's sons by Runtu-caya were Rocca, 
Tupac, and Cusi. 2 By a beautiful concubine 
named Ccuri-chulpa the Inca had two other sons 
named Urco and Sucso. For the sake of Ccuri- 
chulpa he favoured her children, and even declared 
the bastard Urco to be his heir. His eldest son 
was a valiant young warrior, trained in the school 
of Vicaquirau and Apu Mayta, and, when his 
age was sufficient, this prince Rocca became their 
colleague. Cusi was the most promising youth 
of the rising generation, endowed with rare gifts, 
beautiful in form and feature, of dauntless courage 
and universally beloved. 

l Runtu, an egg, and Caya, a particle conveying an abstract idea, 
as Runa, a man ; Rwna Caya, humanity : Runtu, an egg ; Runtu 
Caya, oval face. 2 Joyful. 



The land of the Incas ! the land of the sovereign 
city ! the land of the sacred vale ! The land con- 
verted from the home of many contending tribes, 
to a realm obedient to one king and lord. This 
change had been due to the great military skill and 
administrative ability of the two generals, Apu 
Mayta and Vicaquirau. It was a work of many 
years, but it was completed. 

The land of the Incas was 250 miles in length 
by 60 in width. It is bounded on its western 
side by the river Apurimac, ' chief of the speaking 
waters/ 1 dashing down a profound ravine with 
precipitous sides. On the east was the Vilcamayu, 
' the sacred river/ a flowing from the ' sacred lake ' 
(Vilca unuta) at the foot of the lofty snowy peak 
which is visible from Cuzco, rising majestically 
into the azure sky. Unlike the Apurimac, the 
Vilcamayu irrigates a wide and fertile valley 
unsurpassed for beauty in the wide world. To 
the south this classic land is separated from the 

1 Apu, chief ; Rimac, speaker, oracle, 

2 Vilca, sacred ; Mayu, river. 




basin of Lake Titicaca by the knot of Vilcanota, 
which connects the eastern and maritime Cordilleras. 
To the north the wild mountains of Vilcapampa 
finally sink down into the tropical Amazonian 

Between the rivers there are four zones, in 
which the aspects of the land differ, mainly owing 
to varying elevations above the sea. To the south 
there is a vast extent of lofty tableland, with a 
very rigorous climate, where there were flocks of 
llamas, some scattered villages, and a few large 
lakes. Next, to the north, is the region of moun- 
tains and valleys with drainage to the two rivers. 
This was the most densely inhabited zone, yielding 
crops of maize and of edible roots. In its centre 
is Cuzco, with its two torrents of Huatanay and 
Tulumayu, uniting and then flowing down its long 
valley to join the sacred river. There were other 
valleys with picturesque lakes, and ravines filled 
with trees and flowering bushes. The lakes were 
frequented by a large goose (huallata), two ducks 
(nunuma and huachua), flamingoes, cranes, herons, 
egrets, and a black ibis, as well as the Andean gull 
(guellua). The sides of the hills were occupied by 
terraced cultivation, but above the terraces the 
slopes were frequented by partridges (ytttu) and 
quails (chuy), plover (llecco-llecco) and the Andean 
hare or uiscacha. Sometimes a condor might be 
made out, far up in the sky, like a black speck, 
while eagles (anca) and falcons (alcamari and 
huamari) are occasionally seen, soaring in mid 


air. Other birds, at these great elevations, are the 
chihua, a sort of thrush, the chanquiri or crow, 
and a few of the finch tribe. 

In this country of lakes and well-watered 
ravines was the Tampu-tocco district, on the 
Apurimac side, whence the Ayar Manco marched 
to Cuzco. Here, too, were the territories of the 
Muynas, Pinahuas, Huayllacans, Canchis, Cavifias, 
Ayamarcas, and other tribes. The great elevation 
only admitted of a somewhat lowly flora. Yet it 
is the native place of the graceful Schinus molli tree, 
with its pinnate leaves and bunches of red berries. 
With it there are several large flowering bushes 
called chilca, compositse belonging to Baccharis 
Molina and Eupatorium, and tasta (Stereoxylon 
patens). Higher up are the quehua, ccolli, and 
quisuar trees, and the tola bush already described. 
There are ferns too, and many wild flowers. Chief 
among them ranked the golden lily (Amaryllis 
aurea) and a red liliaceous flower. The cantut was 
a bright-coloured phlox, much used for garlands. 
The meadows and ravines were also enlivened by 
salvias, valerians, calceolarias, lupins, some large 
yellow compositse, a convolvulus, a tropoeolum, 
and many herbs used medicinally. 

Above these pleasant valleys, and on either 
side of Cuzco, are two lofty plateaux, desolate and 
frequented only by shepherds and their flocks. 
Between the city and the Vilcamayu valley is the 
highland of Chita. On the Apurimac side is the 
wild region whither the kidnapped prince was sent 


by the chief of Ayamarca. The third zone, further 
north, comprises the vast plain of Suriti or Ychu- 
pampa, and the plateau overlooking the sacred 
valley. From the crest of the Apurimac gorge the 
road leads up over the two pleasant valleys of 
Mollepata and Rimac-tampu, and then by a slight 
ascent to the great plain covered with grass and 
reeds, where there are occasionally swamps and 
morasses. This plain is surrounded by mountains ; 
on their slopes are picturesque little towns, such 
as Suriti and Anta, and at its south-eastern end a 
ravine leads down, by Iscuchaca, to the city of 
Cuzco, about twelve miles distant. There are 
swamps, but there are also vast tracts of ychu or 
coarse grass, where the llama flocks of Anta find 
pasture. Towards the end of winter storms of 
thunder and lightning, with rain, pass rapidly over 
the plain. It is an indescribably grand sight to 
see these storms drifting across, with the sun 
shining behind them, and causing exquisite 
effects of light and shade, while snowy egrets 
and darker curlew whirl in circles over the 

East of the Suriti plain, which is an ideal battle- 
field, there is a plateau overlooking the Vilcamayu 
valley. Here are the small towns of Maras and 
Chinchero, with cultivated patches round them, on 
the verge of the descent. 

But the gem of the land of the Incas is the 
sacred valley, the ' valley ' par excellence, as it 
was called. Rising in the sacred lake at the foot 


of the snowy peak of Vilcahota, the valley of 
Vilcamayu increases in fertility and beauty as the 
river descends. The most lovely part is from 
Pissac to Ollantay-tampu, where the mighty Andes 
sends up its snowy peaks on one side, and precipi- 
tous cliffs bound the other. The groves of fine 
trees are alive with singing-birds— the checollo, with 
a song like our nightingale, the pretty tuyas and 
chaynas, the bright-plumaged ccamantira and choc- 
cla-foccochi, and the ccenti, or humming-bird. Here, 
too, are doves and pigeons, the urpi and cullcu, 
and the golden-breasted quitu. There are also 
many small green paroquets. In the valley are 
raised splendid crops of maize, unequalled else- 
where, grown on terraces arranged in patterns, and 
the fruit gardens are filled with chirimoya, palia, 
lucuma, and faccay trees, up which twine the 
passion flowers with their refreshing fruit. In this 
enchanting valley the Incas had their most delight- 
ful country palace of Yucay, with extensive baths 
and gardens. The wide world might be searched 
without finding a rival, in enchanting beauty, to 
the sacred valley of the Incas. 

The most northern zone is occupied by the wild 
mountainous district of Vilcapampa, between the 
two rivers, here forty miles apart. 

This land of the Incas had been brought under 
a settled government, and there was a breathing 
time of peace. But intrigue and discontent were 
rife in Cuzco. Uira-cocha Inca, who was old 
and wholly under the influence of his concubine 


Ccuri-chulpa, had passed over all his legitimate sons, 
and declared the bastard Urco to be his heir. The 
two veteran generals, Apu Mayta and Vicaquirau, 
and the legitimate sons, were resolved that this 
should not be. There was internal trouble ahead, 
but much greater danger threatened from without. 
While the Incas were consolidating their rule between 
the two rivers, the heads of other confederacies 
were doing the same elsewhere. The most formid- 
able confederacy was that of the Chancas. The 
founders of this powerful kingdom were two chiefs 
named Uscovilca and Ancovilca. They established 
their principal seat in the extensive and fertile 
valley of Andahuaylas, and their descendants had 
conquered the greater part of the western and 
northern districts of the Andes. The Chanca chiefs 
were warlike and ambitious, and they had a great 
military force at their command. 

The chiefs of the Chancas were two brothers 
named Asto-huaraca and Tomay-huaraca, proud 
and insolent warriors who could not endure the 
existence of any neighbours who maintained their 
independence. The river Apurimac separated their 
territory from that of the children of the sun, 
and they resolved to bring the Inca under subjection. 
They sent a messenger to Cuzco demanding sub- 
mission, and, without waiting for an answer, they 
crossed the Apurimac with a numerous army, 
advancing over the great plain of Suriti or Ychu- 
pampa. In their wars the Chancas carried an 
image of their founder, Uscovilca, in front of the 

G 2 


army, because it had hitherto always led them to 
victory. They called it Anco aylltj. 

The news of the rapid approach of this formid- 
able army spread consternation in Cuzco, in the 
midst of the intrigues about the succession of Urco. 
The old Inca had not the courage to face the enemy, 
and resolved upon flight to a strongly fortified 
position, called Caquia Saquis-ahuana, overlooking 
Pissac in the valley. His way took him over the 
highlands of Chita. His illegitimate sons, Urco 
and Sucso, fled with him, and a great following of 
Orej ones and their families. Cuzco was deserted 
and left to its fate. The Inca encamped on the 
plateau of Chita to await events, before finally 
shutting himself up in Caquia Saquis-ahuana. He 
had hopes from negotiation with the Chancas. 

The two old generals and the legitimate sons 
refused to leave Cuzco. They declared that they 
would die in defence of their homes, and of the 
gods of their people. Three other chiefs remained 
with them, but all the force they could collect 
consisted of little more than their own personal 

Who was to command this forlorn hope ? There 
was not a day to lose. The enemy was almost at 
the gates. The generals declared for the youngest 
of the Inca's sons, Prince Cusi, who had just reached 
his twentieth year. He was a child of destiny. 
Rocca had laid the foundations. Cusi was the 
builder of the empire. It was a remarkable 
testimony to his genius that, not only the old 


generals, but his elder brothers accepted him as 
their leader and remained faithful to him to the 
end. His seven chiefs were enthusiastic, but that 
was not enough. The odds were terrible, apparently 
hopeless. Seven leaders and perhaps 700 followers, 
not more, rallied round the young prince : 

1. Vicaquirau, his great-uncle ; 

2. Apu Mayta, his first cousin twice removed ; 

generals, and heroes of a hundred battles. 

3. Rocca, his eldest brother ; 

4. Paucar, his next eldest brother ; 

able and experienced officers. 

5. Urco Huaranca, chief of Quilliscancha (a Cuzco 


6. Chima Chaui Pata. 

7. . Mircay-mana, tutor to Prince Cusi. 

Cusi first saw that every man was well armed, 
and trained, and in high spirits. He did not conceal 
the odds from them, yet he assured the little band 
of heroes that the Deity was on their side. He sent 
out summonses to all the vassals, but with little 
or no success. He exhorted the few who remained 
in the suburbs to defend their homes. He went 
especially to the Quilliscancha suburb accompanied 
by its brave chief, Urco Huaranca. Here there 
was some enthusiasm, and it was clear that he 
would find support. Moreover, arrangements were 
made to obtain information through a Quilliscancha 
scout. The armed leader of the suburb was a valiant 
and stalwart lady named Chanan-ccuri-coca, on 
whose loyalty the prince placed reliance. Having 


made all the preparations that were possible with 
the small means at his command, Cusi retired to 
a lonely place to pray to his god. There is a f ountain 
called the Susur Puquio, between Iscuchaca and 
Cuzco, a secluded spot where a stream, shaded by 
molle trees, falls over some rocks. Here Prince 
Cusi knelt in prayer. He had a vision. A figure, 
resplendent and dazzling, appeared to him in the 
air, which he knew to be his father the sun. He 
was consoled and animated for the battle, with the 
assurance that he would conquer the Chancas. The 
prince returned to his followers, and imparted to 
them the enthusiasm by which he was himself 
inspired. A number of vassals came from a 
distance, but more inclined to look on than to 
fight. They took to the hills to watch the event. 
The Chancas advanced in great numbers, full 
of confidence, without order, and expecting little 
or no resistance. One of the scouts sent by Urco 
Huaranca rushed into the prince's presence crying, 
' To arms ! To arms ! The foe is upon us/ The 
Chancas were entering Cuzco, but met with a stub- 
born resistance in the Quilliscancha suburb. Prince 
Cusi was ready, and all his plans were laid. Fol- 
lowed closely by the aged generals, his elder brothers, 
and their followers, in a compact phalanx, he made 
a sudden and furious flank attack, forcing his way 
in like a wedge, and making straight for the statue 
and standard of Uscovilca. While a furious battle 
was raging in the suburb, Asto-huaraca and Tomay- 
huaraca rallied their guards to defend their standard. 


But the flank attack was so furious and so 
well sustained, that the Chancas were amazed and 
thrown into confusion. Prince Cusi was so dex- 
terous with his weapon that no one could resist 
him, and he hewed his way straight for the standard. 
He was ably sustained by his followers, and there 
was great havoc. The Chanca chiefs lost heart 
and ordered a retreat. 

When the crowds of recreant vassals on the 
hills saw this, they came down to join the little 
Inca force, converting the retreat into a rout. 
This explains the story, told by several writers, 
that the sun made armed men rise out of the earth 
to complete the victory. The Chanca standard and 
the spoils of their camp were captured. 

The greatness of this victory, which saved the 
Inca realm from complete destruction, was as 
astonishing as it was unexpected. Prince Cusi was 
hailed as the Inca Pachacuti, the ninth bearing 
that title, counting those of the old dynasties. 
Henceforward he was known by no other name. 
He refused to allow a triumphal ceremony for 
himself, but sent Urco Huaranca with all the spoils 
to his father at the camp on the Chita highlands, 
that he might tread upon them, according to the 
usual custom. Uira-cocha refused to do this him- 
self, but delegated the duty to his son Urco, as the 
heir to the kingdom. Urco Huaranca was furious, 
declaring that no coward should triumph by the 
deeds of Pachacuti, and returning with the spoils 
to Cuzco. 


We tear no more of the great generals, Vica- 
quirau and Apu Mayta. They either found a 
glorious death on the battlefield or died soon after- 
wards at a great age. Pachacuti's eldest brother, 
Rocca, was his most trusted general. There was 
no longer any difficulty about raising troops, and 
an efficient army was organised, well drilled and 
armed with slings, arrows, axes, and clubs. For 
the Chancas, though repulsed, were by no means 
crushed. They retired to the great plain of 
Ychupampa, received large reinforcements from 
the other side of the Apurimac, and prepared for 
another march upon Cuzco. But now the Inca 
Pachacuti was strong enough to take the initiative, 
and he made such a rapid march that he found the 
Chanca arhiy still encamped on the great plain. 
The hostile chiefs, encouraged by the arrival of 
large reinforcements, had regained much of their 
confidence. Their army was as numerous as before 
the defeat, their principal weapons being long 
lances. When the chiefs saw the approach of the 
Inca army, they sent an insolent message threaten- 
ing to dye their lances with the Inca's blood if he 
did not at once submit and become a tributary 
vassal. Pachacuti calmly replied that no more 
time could be wasted in talk, and that God would 
give the victory to whom he pleased. He marched 
onwards with his army, following closely on the 
heels of the messenger. 

The contending forces closed in deadly hand-to- 
hand combat, and the battle raged for a long time 


without advantage on either side. At last Pacha- 
cuti, with his immediate guards, hewed his way 
through the hostile ranks to where Asto-huaraca 
was fighting. There was a duel, and the Chanca 
chief was slain. His colleague, Tomay-huaraca, 
was already killed. The Inca ordered the heads 
of the two chiefs to be raised up on their own lances. 
This caused a panic, and the hostile army broke and 
fled. The Ore j ones followed in pursuit, doing great 
execution, few escaping over the terrific gorge of the 
Apurimac in their rear. 

The power of the great confederacy was com- 
pletely broken. It was a death struggle. For a 
long time the balance seemed to incline to the Chan- 
cas. The valour and genius of Cusi, the Pachacuti, 
turned the scale, and the empire of the Incas was 
the result. The tributary vassals of the Chancas, 
over a vast area, soon changed their allegiance, 
some after slight resistance, but the greater number 
voluntarily and with good will. 

Pachacuti went in person to his father, who 
had now taken refuge in his stronghold called 
Caquia Saquis-ahuana, with the prisoners and 
spoils, requesting the old man to tread upon them 
according to custom. He still desired that his 
favourite son Urco should perform the ceremony, 
but was at last persuaded to comply with the 
custom himself. It was called Muchanacu. 

On his return to Cuzco there was a solemn 
sacrifice to the sun, and the Inca Pachacuti 
was crowned with the fringe, and proclaimed 


sole lord and sovereign in the lifetime of his father. 
Most of the Orej ones who had fled with Uira-cocha 
returned to Cuzco. Soon after his accession the 
news reached Pachacuti that Urco had assembled 
forces in the valley, whether with or without 
the connivance of his father is uncertain. The 
Inca, with his brother Kocca, at once marched 
against the insurgents. Urco received a blow 
on the neck from a stone hurled by his brother 
Rocca. He fell into the river and was carried 
down to a rock called Chupillusca, a league below 
Ollantay-tampu, where he tried to land, but was 
killed by his brothers. 1 They then sought an 
interview with their father, who refused to see the 
Inca, but Rocca forced his way into the old man's 
presence and upbraided him. Uira-cocha con- 
tinued to live in his stronghold of Caquia Saquis- 
ahuana, where he died and was buried. In his 
prime he loved gorgeous display, and we are told 
that he was the inventor of a kind of rich cloth 
or brocade called Tocapu. The name of his 
stronghold may have reference to this, for Ahuana 
means a loom. Caquia may be rendered ' my 
possession ' or ' property. 5 2 

1 Urco is actually made to succeed by Cieza de Leon, Herrera, 
Fernandez, and Salcamayhua. Herrera gives his portrait among 
the Incas which form a border to his frontispiece. 

2 Haqtjis, the Xaquix of other writers, might mean ' left behind,' 
but the word is doubtful. Xaquixaguana is the name applied by 
some writers to the great plain of Suriti or Ychupampa. This 
must surely be a mistake. The refuge to which Uira-cocha fled could 
not possibly be the site of the battlefield from which he fled. 


The Prince Cusi was the builder of the empire, 
the foundations of which were laid by Rocca. 
The elaborate religious ceremonial, the methods 
of recording events, the military organisation, 
the self-working social system were his work. 
It may seem incredible that the whole fabric of 
Andean civilisation should be the work of one 
man, and it would be if he had created it. But 
Cusi was not the creator. He was the Pachacuti, 
the reformer. Over all the regions that he con- 
quered there were the same ideas and habits of 
thought, and of living, dialects of the same original 
language, and the same faint memories of an 
almost forgotten past. Pachacuti worked upon 
these materials with the skill and foresight of a 
profound statesman. His grand object was at- 
tained, for he welded together a homogeneous 
empire with such masterly thoroughness in all 
its complicated details that its machinery worked 
almost automatically. 

Pachacuti was a great conqueror as well as 
a great administrator. The immediate consequence 
of the final victory over the Chancas and of the 
disruption of their confederacy was the addition 
of a vast territory to the land of the Incas. 1 The 
country beyond the Apurimac, between that 

l Sarmiento mentions six tribes within the land of the Incas 
having been subdued after the Chanca war by Pachacuti and 
his brother Eocca : Ayamabca, Ollantay-Tampu, Cugma, 
Httata, Huancara, Togttartt. I apprehend this to be a mistake, 
caused by Eocca's service under his younger brother, and that 
these tribes were conquered by Eocca before the Chanca war. 


river and the Packachaca, submitted at once. It 
was the land of the Quichuas, very closely allied to 
the Incas. The next region, between the river 
Pachachaca and the Pampas, containing the 
beautiful valley of Andahuaylas, the chief seat of 
the Chancas, also submitted. The Chancas even 
added an important contingent to the Inca army. 
Beyond the Pampas, the Soras and Lucanas, hardy 
mountaineers, submitted after a brief struggle. 
These were the first fruits of the victory over the 
Chancas. Pachacuti next invaded the basin of 
Lake Titicaca, and the whole region was annexed 
after three hard-fought campaigns against the Collas. 

Then followed a campaign during which, the 
whole northern region of the Andes, as. far as 
Caxamarca, was added to the empire. 

By this time Pachacuti was well stricken in 
years. His eldest son was Amaru Tupac, a very 
able and successful'general, who was, at one time, 
intended to be Ms heir. But the question of 
the succession was a very important one, and 
something more was needed than a successful 
general. By his wife Anahuarqui, the Inca had 
another son, also named Tupac, in whom the 
great statesman saw the germs of such genius as 
would fit him to succeed to the responsibility 
of guiding an empire. After an interview with his 
father, the eldest son, Amaru, accepted the situation 
and remained loyal to his younger brother until 
death. Young Tupac went through the ceremony 
of being armed, and then proceeded on a great 


northern campaign. The countries of Huamanca, 
Jauja, Huanucu, Caxamarca, and Chachapoyas 
were united to the empire, as well as the coast 
valleys. Young Tupac also subdued the Cafiaris, 
and extended his conquests to Quito. He then 
descended to the coast, annexing the country of 
Manta, with its emeralds, and even making a 
successful voyage over the Pacific Ocean to the 
Galapagos Islands. 

The end of the great emperor came at last, after 
a memorable reign of more than half a century. He 
had his sons and his councillors around him. 
Addressing Tupac, he said: 'My son, you know 
how many great nations I leave to you, and you 
know what labour they have cost me. Mind 
that you are the man to keep and augment them.' 
He made his other sons plough furrows and he 
gave them weapons, in token that they were to 
serve and to fight for their sovereign. He turned 
to Tupac saying, 'Care for them, and they will 
serve you/ He expressed some wishes about 
his obsequies, ordering that his body should be 
placed in his palace of Pata-llacta. Then he 
began to croon in a low and sad voice : 

' I was born as a flower of the field, 
As a flower I was cherished in my youth. 
I came to my full age, I grew old ; 
Now I am withered and die.' 

He told those around him that he went to rest 
with his father the sun — and so he departed, 


the greatest man that the American race has ever 

Tupac was a worthy successor. He continued 
and consolidated the work of his father. As his 
power and the extent of the empire increased, the 
Incas assumed greater state and magnificence. 
With Pachacuti apparently, and certainly with 
Tupac, the custom of marrying sisters was com- 
menced. Like the Ptolemies, the Incas resorted 
to this method of making their family a race apart 
from the rest of mankind and almost divine. 

Tupac was second only to his father as an 
administrator and a general. His first campaign 
as a sovereign was a most difficult one. He 
penetrated far into the primeval forests to the 
east of the Andes. He then completely subjugated 
the Collas, and Chile as far as the river Maule. 
His long reign extended over upwards of sixty 
years, mainly a period of consolidation. He estab- 
lished a firm and settled government on the lines 
laid down by his father. When he felt the approach 
of death, he retired to his palace of Chinchero, over- 
looking the sacred valley, with a glorious view 
of the snowy mountains. The walls of this palace 
are still standing. The dying Inca sent for his 
relations and councillors, and announced to them 
that his heir and successor was to be the young 
Prince Cusi Hualpa, his legitimate son by his 
-\ sister and wife, Mama Ocllo. He then sank down 
among his pillows and died at the great age of 
eighty-five years. 


Cusi Hualpa was then with his tutors at 
Quispicancha, in the valley. He was brought 
to Cuzco, and invested with all the insignia of 
royalty ; and his accession was announced to 
the people in the Bimac-pampa, an open space 
near the temple of the sun. Surprised at the 
youthful appearance of their sovereign, their 
acclamations were mingled with cries of ' Huayna ! 
Huayna!' (the boy-king, the boy-king). From 
thenceforward his surname was Huayn a Ccapac. 
After a few years of administration at Cuzco, the 
young Inca made a visitation of all his dominions 
from Chile to Quito. The last part of his reign was 
occupied with a very ably conducted campaign 
on the extreme northern borders of his empire, 
and(he died at Quito in 1525/the last of the great 
imperial Incas, great in peace as in war.y 

The six Incas, from Kocca to Huayna, may, with 
fair probability, be given a period of 300 years ; 
and the Ayar Manco's date would be about 1100 a.d. 



It is very difficult to obtain a correct and clear 
idea of the religious beliefs of a people like the 
Peruvians, whose thoughts and traditions were 
entirely different from those of the nations of the 
old world. Besides the inherent difficulty of 
comprehending the bent of their minds, which 
resulted in the religious practices recorded of them, 
there are many others. The record was made 
by very superstitious priests, with strong prejudices 
against the beliefs of the conquered people, and 
with only a general knowledge of the language. 
There was but one important authority who 
had known the language from childhood. The 
manuscripts were often incorrectly transcribed 
by ignorant clerks, so that mistakes and mis- 
spellings crept into the texts, and there were 
contradictions among the authorities. On the 
whole it is fortunate that there should have been 
such painstaking and conscientious writers as 
Bias Valera, Cieza de Leon, and Molina, upon 
whose evidence reliance can be placed as, at all 
events, the impartial impressions of the writers. 


Still, a very careful weighing of the amount of 
trust to be given to the various authorities is 
necessary, with reference to their characters, 
positions, and circumstances ; as well as a com- 
parison of the same statement in various authori- 
ties, in order to judge which version is nearest 
to the truth, and to arrive at the nearest approxi- 
mation to accuracy. Such a scrutiny is the work 
of years, but the subject, from every point of 
view, is worthy of this serious and prolonged 

The god who was regarded as the creator and 
ruler of the universe in the megalithic age was, 
as we have seen, Illa Tici Uira-cocha. The 
names were handed down, by tradition, through 
the centuries, and were used by the Incas when 
contemplating or worshipping the Supreme Being. 
The names came to them, and were not invented 
by them. For them they were the names of the 
ruler of the universe, whatever their meaning might 
be. For the Incas, and the more thoughtful among 
those who surrounded them, were convinced that 
the deities worshipped by the people were not 
supreme, but that they obeyed some irresistible 
and unknown but orderly force. It was this 
Supreme Being that the Incas worshipped, and 
sought, with fervency, to know and to understand. 
Both Molina and Salcamayhua tell us that there 
was a temple at Cuzco to the Supreme Being, 
and that his worship was included in the elaborate 
ritual of the later Incas. Molina gives the prayers 


that were offered to Uira-cocha, whose temple is 
stated to have been apart from the temple of the 
sun. Salcamayhua tells us that the Supreme 
Creator was represented in the sun temple by 
an oval slab of gold, having a higher place 
than the images of the sun or moon. The prayers 
were for health and strength, for good harvests 
and the multiplication of flocks, for victory over 
enemies, and for prosperity. Nine of these prayers, 
in Quichua, are given by Molina. One is given by 
Morua. The most remarkable prayer is that for the 
sun, called Ptinchau, in which it is fully recognised 
that its movements and heat-attributes are the 
work of Uira-cocha. 

This recognition of an almighty unseen being 
who created and regulates all things visible was 
probably confined to the higher intellects, who had 
more time and were better trained for thought and 
reflection. The rest of the people would seek for 
visible objects of worship. But for the Incas the 
Uira-cocha cult was certainly very real. It occupied 
their thoughts in life and in death, and they 
earnestly prayed for a knowledge of the Deity. 
Some of the hymns addressed to the Almighty 
have been preserved in a manuscript written early 
in the seventeenth century by a native named 
Yamqui Pachacuti Salcamayhua. They were first 
printed by the present writer in a translation of 
Salcamayhua's work (1873), the text of the hymns 
being left in the original Quichua. Some years 
afterwards the Spanish text was edited by Don 


Marcos Jimenez de la Espada at Madrid, but again 
without any attempt to translate the Quichua 
hymns. This was at last done through the in- 
strumentality of Don Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo. 
The text was very corrupt, the words were mis- 
spelt and not divided from each other, and it would 
require a most profound Quichua scholar to restore 
the meaning of the original. Senor Lafone Quevedo 
secured the services of Dr. Miguel Mossi, of Bolivia, 
now no more, by far the best modern scholar of 
the language of the Incas. The result was the 
publication in 1892 of Spanish translations of 
the Hymns to Uira-cocha. 1 These hymns are the 
expression of a longing to know the invisible god, 
to walk in his ways, and to have the prayers 
heard which entreat the Deity to reveal himself. 
They show a strong sense of his guiding power in 
regulating the seasons and the courses of the 
heavenly bodies, and in making provision for 
reproduction in nature. There is a strange ex- 
pression of wonder respecting the sex of the Deity ; 
out this is wonder and nothing more, not, as 
Senor Lafone Quevedo suggests, an allusion to 
phallic worship. There is, indeed, a plaintive 
note in these cries to the Deity for a knowledge 
of the unknowable, which is- touching in its 

1 Revista del Museo de la Plata, J. III. p. 320. Mysayo Mitologico. 
El culto de Tonapa. Los Mmnos sagrados de los Reyes del Cuzco, 
segun el Yamqui-Pachacuti por Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo (Talleres 
del Museo de la Plata, 1892). 



Uira-cocha ! Lord of the universe, 

Whether thou art male, 

Whether thou art female, 

Lord of reproduction, 

Whatsoever thou mayest be, 

Lord of divination, 

Where art thou ? 

Thou mayest be above, 

Thou mayest be below, 

Or perhaps around 

Thy splendid throne and sceptre. 

Oh hear me ! 

From the sky above, 

In which thou mayest be, 

From the sea beneath, 

In which thou mayest be, 

Creator of the world, 

Maker of all men ; 

Lord of all Lords, 

My eyes fail me 

For longing to see thee ; 

For the sole desire to know thee. 

Might I behold thee, 

Might I know thee, 

Might I consider thee, 

Might I understand thee. 

Oh look down upon me, 

For thou knowest me. 

The sun — the moon — 

The day — the night — 

Spring — winter, 

Are not ordained in vain 

By thee, Uira-cocha ! 

They all travel 

To the assigned place ; 


They all arrive 

At their destined ends, 

Whithersoever thou pleasest. 

Thy royal sceptre 

Thou holdest. 

Oh hear me ! 

Oh choose me ! 

Let it not be 

That I should tire, 

That I should die. 

One of the hymns is composed as from an 
aged Inca on his death-bed praying for light and 
for a knowledge of the Deity. 

creator of men, 
Thy servant speaks, 
Then look upon him, 

Oh, have remembrance of him, 
The King of Cuzco. 

1 revere you, too, Tarapaca. 1 
O Tonapa, look down, 

Do not forget me. 

thou noble Creator, 

thou of my dreams, 

Dost thou already forget, 

And I on the point of death % 

Wilt thou ignore my prayer, 

Or wilt thou make known 

Who thou art ? 

Thou mayst be what I thought, 

Yet perchance thou art a phantom, 

A thing that causes fear. 

l Servants of Uira-oocha, according to Salcamayhua. Sarmiento 
has Tahuapaca. Cieza de Leon alludes to Tuapaca. No other 
authority mentions them. 


Oh, if I might know ! 

Oh, if it could be revealed ! 

Thou who made me out of earth, 

And of clay formed me, 

Oh look upon me ! 

Who art thou, O Creator, 

Now I am very old. 

Another hymn to Uira-cocha is attributed, by 
Salcamayhua, to the Inca Rocca : 

Oh come then, 

Great as the heavens, 

Lord of all the earth, 

Great First Cause, 

Creator of men. 

Ten times I adore thee, 

Ever with my eyes 

Turned to the ground, 

Hidden by the eyelashes, 

Thee am I seeking. 

Oh look on me ! 

Like as for the rivers, 

Like as for the fountains, 

When gasping with thirst, 

I seek for thee. 

Encourage me, 

Help me ! 

With all my voice 

I call on thee ; 

Thinking of thee, 

We will rejoice 

And be glad. 

This will we say 

And no more. 


These fragments, broken chips from a great 
wreck, have at last reached us. We know from 
them that, in their inmost hearts, the intellectual 
and more instructed section of the Incas and their 
people sought for a knowledge of the unseen 
creator of the universe, while publicly conducting 
the worship of objects which they knew to be 
merely God's creatures. Garcilasso de la Vega 
gives the sayings of several Incas respecting the 
obedience of the sun, in its daily and yearly course, 
to the behests of a higher power. There are one 
or two points connected with Uira-cocha which 
have been puzzling, and which will be better 
discussed in a footnote. 1 

1 Gomara and Betanzos are responsible for a god they called 
Con. No other authority knew of it. Gomara had never been 
in America. He recorded a story of a being named Con, child of 
the sun, who created men, but afterwards, being enraged with 
them, he turned the land into deserts, and gave no more rain, so 
that they only had water from the rivers. This is evidently a 
story from the coast. It is merely a version of the Huarochiri 
legend, and Gomara's Con, is Coniraya Uira-cocha, the god ruling 
over the heat of the sun. He was superseded on the coast by the 
fish god and oracle, Pachacamac. Betanzos is a more important 
authority, as he was many years in Peru, and spoke Quichua. He 
gives Con titi as a prefix to the name of Uira-cocha, while all 
other authorities give the words Ilia Tici. The manuscript has 
Con titi, but the editor altered it to Con Tici, to be nearer the other 
authorities. Titi is no doubt a clerical error. Probably it should 
be Inti, when it would be Conip Inti, the sun giving warmth ; 
like Coniraya, appertaining to warmth, attributes of the Deity, 
not a separate person. The name Con occurs five times in the first 
and second chapters of Betanzos, but not in any of the other chapters. 
Salcamayhua, in relating a version of the Titicaca myth, mentions 
two servants of Uira-cocha named Tonapa and Tarapaca. Sar- 
miento spells the latter Tahuapaca. Cieza de Leon has Tuapaca. 


The cult of Uira-cocha by the Incaswas confined 
to the few. The popular religion of the people 
was the worship of the founder or first ancestor of 
each ayllu or clan. The father of the Incas was 
the sun, and naturally all the people joined in the 
special adoration of the ancestor of their sovereign, 
combined with secondary worship of the moon, 
thunder and lightning, the rainbow, and the dawn, 
represented by the morning star Chasca. But 
each clan or ayllu had also a special huaca, or 
ancestral god, which its members worshipped in 
common, besides the household gods of each 

In the last century or two, the ceremonial and 
ritual observances of the sun-worship at Cuzco 
assumed extraordinary magnificence. The splendid 
temple was built of masonry, which, for the beauty 
and symmetry of its proportions and the accuracy 
with which the stones fitted into each other, is 
unsurpassed. The cornices, the images, and the 
utensils were all of pure gold. When the Inca 
and his court were present at the ceremonies it 
must have been a scene of marvellous splendour. 

The elaborate ritual and ceremonies necessitated 

Saloamayhua is alone responsible for Tonapa. This author was a 
native of Collahua, where the C becomes a T, Oonapa, merely » 
form of Ooniraya. The words in Oonapa are Cconi, heat, and apae, 
bearing, ' Heat bearing ' or ' conveying.' It is another form for 
this attribute of the Deity, not a separate person. 

There has been an amazing amount of conjecture and erudition 
bestowed on this word Core ; and Don Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo 
has written a very learned essay on the cult of Tonapa. 


the employment of a numerous hierarchy, divided 
into many grades. The High Priest was an official 
of the highest rank, often a brother of the sovereign. 
He was called Uillac Uma, ' the head which 
counsels.' He was the supreme judge and .arbiter 
in all religious questions and causes relating to the 
temples. His life was required to be passed in 
religious contemplation and abstinence. He was 
a strict vegetarian and never drank anything but 
water. His ordinary dress was a robe going down 
to the ankles, and a grey mantle of vicuna wool. 
But when he celebrated the festivals in the temple 
he wore the grand tiara, called Uilca Chucu, which 
included a circular plate of gold representing the 
sun, and under the chin a half-moon of silver. 
The head-dress was 'adorned with the feathers of 
the guacamaya, or great macaw ; the whole covered 
with jewels and plates of gold. The complete 
head-dress was called Huampar Chucu. His 
ceremonial tunic without sleeves reached to the 
ground, with no belt. Over it there was a shorter 
pelisse of white wool, trimmed with red, which 
came down to the knees, and was covered with 
precious stones and plates of gold. His shoes 
were of fine wool, and bracelets of gold were on 
his .arms. Directly the ceremony was over he 
divested himself of his vestments and remained in 
his ordinary clothes. He received ample rents, 
bestowing the greater part on those afflicted by 
blindness or other disabling infirmities. Besides 
being of illustrious lineage, the High Priest was an 


Amauta, or man of learning. He appointed the 
visitors and inspectors whose duty it was to 
report on all the temples and idols throughout the 
empire ; and the confessors (Ichuri) who received 
confessions and assigned penances ; and he super- 
intended the record of events by the Amautas and 
Quifucamayocs. On his death the body was 
embalmed and interred with great pomp on some 
high mountain. 

Under the Uillac JJma there were ten or 
twelve chief priests in the provinces, called Uilca, 
who had authority over the very numerous priests 
in charge of huacas, called Huacaf Uillac, and 
over those who received and announced oracles 
from the huacas, Huacaf Rimachi. 

A very remarkable and interesting institution 
was that of the chosen virgins for the service of the 
sun, called Aclla. They were also known as 
Intvp Chinan, or Punchau Chinan, servants of 
the sun ; selected by inspectors from all parts of 
the empire. All the sun temples had virgins, 
those at Cuzco coming chiefly from the neighbour- 
hood of the city, from Huanuco and Chachapoyas. 
After examination they were placed under the 
government of matrons, called Mama Cuna, and 
had to serve a novitiate. There were over 3000 
virgins at Cuzco, with a matron for every ten. 
Each virgin had a servant. The novitiate lasted 
for three years, during which time the girls were 
taught to sew, weave, make fine bread and cakes, 
sweep and clean the temple, and keep alive the 


sacred fire which was always burning, called Nina 
Vilca. Many princesses and daughters of nobles 
were sent to be educated with the novices, although 
they were not going to be Aclla. When the 
novices had served their three years they were 
called Huamac. They were brought before the 
Inca and the TJillac Uma. Those who did not 
feel a vocation received husbands. Those who 
wished to remain as virgins of the sun were dressed 
in white, and garlands of gold (Ccuri TJincha) 
were placed on their heads. They were dedicated 
to the sun for the rest of their lives, employed 
in the service of the temple, and in weaving very 
fine cloth for the deities, the Inca and his family, 
and the TJillac Uma. They never went abroad 
without an armed escort, and were treated with 
profound respect. When the Spanish destruction 
came, many of these virgins became nuns and were 
protected, others married baptised Indians, and 
the rest fled in various directions. 

Another numerous class in this complicated 
hierarchy was that of diviners and soothsayers, 
called Huatuc. They were dressed in grey, 
were celibate while holding office, living on herbs 
and roots, and were almost always to be found in 
the vestibules of the temples. Those who divined 
by the flight of birds and by the intestines of 
animals sacrificed were called Hamurpa. The 
IMaychunca divined by odds and evens, the 
Pacchacuc by the legs of a great hairy spider, the 
Socyac by maize heaps, the Hualla, Achacuc, 


Canchu, Candhuisa, Layca, and Yarcacaes in 
other ways. The Macsa cured by enchantment. 

There was an elaborate system of sacrifices, 
entailing an enormous expenditure. The victims 
were llamas, huanacus, vicunas and their lambs, 
pumas, antas or tapirs, birds and their plumes, 
maize, edible roots, coca, shells, cloth, gold, silver, 
sweet woods, guinea-pigs, dogs, in short everything 
they valued. The sacrificing priest was called 
Tarpuntay ; the lay brother who cut up the 
victims, Nacac ; and the recorder, Uilca Camayoc. 
The sacrifice itself was called Arpay. There 
remains the question of human sacrifices, or Ccapac 
Gocha. The idea of sacrifice is the offering of 
what is most prized. The sacrificer says to his god : 
' What I loved best to thee I gave/ 

Abraham was ready to sacrifice his son, the 
king of Moab actually did so. It is the logical 
outcome of sacrificial doctrine. Was this logical 
conclusion reached by the Peruvians, either habitu- 
ally or in extreme cases ? The weight of evidence 
is certainly against the accusation, which was first 
made by the licentiate Polo de Ondegardo in 1554, 
when he was conducting inquiries at Cuzco. He 
says that grown men and children were sacrificed 
on various occasions, and that 200 boys were 
sacrificed at the accession of Huayna Ccapac. 
Valera denies the value of Polo's evidence, who, he 
says, scarcely knew anything of the language, had 
no interpreters at that time, 1 and was without 

They had fled owing to the insurrection of Giron. 


the means of becoming acquainted with the ancient 
customs. So that he could not fail to write down 
many things which were quite different from what 
the Indians said. Polo was followed by Molina and 
others, especially by Sarmiento, whose official in- 
structions were to make the worst of the Inca 
polity and government. 

Valera declares, on the contrary, that there 
was a law prohibiting all sacrifices of human beings, 
which was strictly observed. It is true that 
Huahuas, or children, and Yuyacs, or adults, 
were sacrificed, but the Huahuas were lambs, not 
human children, and by Yuyac were meant full- 
grown llamas, not men. Valera is supported by 
Garcilasso de la Vega and other authorities, and 
the weight of evidence is decidedly against Polo's 

There remains the logical tendency of the 
sacrificial idea to offer up the dearest and most 
valued possession ; while the admission of Bias 
Valera that there was a law against human sacrifices 
seems to show that they were not unknown. Cieza 
de Leon is the most unprejudiced and the most 
reliable of all the authorities, and he says that if 
human sacrifices were ever offered, they were of 
very rare occurrence. This is probably the truth. 
The horrible offerings were not common nor 
habitual, but they had been known to be offered, 
on very extreme and exceptional occasions. 

With the worship of the ancestor, Paccarisca, 
or the fabulous origin of each clan, whether the 


sun, the moon, a star, a mountain, rock, spring, 
or any other natural object, the Peruvians had 
some peculiar beliefs which pervaded their daily- 
life. They had special personal deities in which 
they trusted. The sovereign Incas kept such 
images always with them and gave them names, 
calling them Huauqui, or brother. That of the 
Inca Uira-cocha was called Inca Amaru, probably 
in the form of a serpent. It was found by Polo de 
Ondegardo, with that Inca's ashes. Pachacuti 
had a very large golden Huauqui, called Inti 
Illapa, which was sent in pieces to Caxamarca 
for the ransom. Cusi Churi was the name of the 
Huauqui of the Inca Tupac, which was found 
concealed at Calis Puquio, near Cuzco, by Polo. 
The Huauqui of Huayna Ccapac, a gold image 
of great value, has never been found. It was 
called Huaraqui Inca. The tradition handed 
down in the Incarial family is that the Huauqui 
of Manco Ccapac was a sacred bird called Inti, 
kept in a sort of hamper ; that of Sinchi Kocca 
was called Huanachici Amaru; that of Lloque 
Yupanqui, Apu Mayta. The rest of the Orejones 
and many others had their special Lar or brother, 
and the Huauqui was buried with the body of 
the deceased. 

The universal belief of the Peruvians was that 
all things in nature had a spiritual essence or 
counterpart, to which prayers and sacrifice might 
be offered if the spirit belonged to any of the 
reproductive powers of nature, or good might be 


done to it, if the departed spirit was a relation or 
friend. This explains the method of interment 
and the rites and ceremonies observed for the well- 
being of the departed. It was thought that so 
long as the embalmed body was carefully preserved, 
with the personalty of the deceased, the welfare 
of the departed spirit was secured. So long as food 
and other requisites were duly placed with the 
mummy, the spirit would be furnished with the 
spiritual essence of all that was offered materially. 
These strange beliefs occupied the thoughts and 
pervaded the lives of the people. 

The funeral ceremonies of the Incas were 
occasions for all the magnificence and pomp of 
a great empire. The body was embalmed and 
splendidly attired. The palace of the deceased 
was set apart for the Malqui, or mummy, a staff 
of servants was appointed for it, and it was endowed 
with lands, so that offerings might be constantly 
provided. Friends and dependants were invited 
to immolate themselves so as to accompany 
their lord in the spirit world, but in later times a 
llama was allowed as a substitute, the name of the 
supposed human victim being given to it. The Inca 
mummies were brought out for processions and 
other very solemn rites and ceremonies. When 
the Spanish destroyers came, the unfortunate 
people concealed the mummies of their beloved 
sovereigns, but the ferret-eyed Polo de Ondegardo 
searched diligently, and succeeded in accounting 
for all but one. The body of the great warrior 


statesman, Yupanqui Pachacuti, was finally buried 
in the court of the hospital of San Andres at Lima. 
Yahuar Huaccac, the stolen child, alone escaped 
desecration. His body was never found. 

The Ore jones and other important people were 
generally interred in caves, Machay, with two 
chambers, one for the mummy with his ' brother •' 
or Lar, the other for his property, and for the 
offerings brought by the people. These caves 
were in desert places or on the sides of mountains. 
The heights overlooking the lovely valley of Yucay, 
called Tta&tana Marca, are literally honey- 
combed with these burial caves. All have been 
desecrated by the Spaniards in search for treasure. 

This curious belief in a spiritual essence of 
all the things that concerned the daily well-being 
of the people explains the multiplicity of huacas, or 
objects of worship. Every household had a Sara 
Mama to represent the spiritual essence of the 
maize, to which prayers and sacrifices /were made. 
Sometimes it was a figure covered with cobs of 
maize, at others it was merely a vase fashioned as 
a cob. In like manner there was a Llama Mama 
for the flocks. More especially was the spirit of 
the earth itself, the Pacha Mama, an object of 
worship. The offerings^consisted of the figures 
of llamas roughly fashioned. There was a cavity 
in their backs into which the sacrificial offering 
was placed, and they were buried in the fields. 
The offerings were chicha, spirits, or coca, the things 
the poor husbandman loved best. Dr. Max Uhle 



and the Princess Theresa of Bavaria have discovered 
that the ceremony of offering these things to 
Pacha Mama still prevails, in spite of the priests. 
The llamas of stone or clay are even offered for sale 
in the markets; Dr. Uhle saw them at Sicuani. 
The present practice is to bury the figures, with 
offerings, in the places where flocks of llamas or 
alpacas feed. The figure is placed between stones, 
and covered with another stone. Each year the 
offering is renewed by another figure, which is 
placed below the old one and nearer the Pacha 
Mama. This kind of sacrifice is called Chuya. 
It shows that the ancient beliefs and customs of 
the Peruvian Indians cannot be eradicated by any 
amount of persecution. 1 

The religion of the ancient Peruvians was com- 
posed of several beliefs, all more or less peculiar 
to the Andean people, except the worship of a 
Supreme Being ; which, however, only prevailed 
among the higher and more intellectual minds. 
Some of the Incas undoubtedly sought earnestly 
for a knowledge of the great First Cause, which they 
called Uira-cocha. The worship of the fabulous 
ancestor or originator of each ayllu, or clan, was 
universal, and as the sun was the accepted ancestor 
of the sovereign, its cult took the precedence of 
all others. The peculiar belief in the existence 
of a spiritual essence of all the things that con- 
cerned their well-being prevailed among the mass 

l Las llamitas de piedra del Cuzco, Dr. Max Uhle (Lima, 
September 1906). 


of the people, and has never been eradicated. It 
accounts for their innumerable huacas and house- 
hold gods, and for the way in which the idea of 
the presence of the supernatural was inextricably 
mingled with all the actions of their lives. From 
these various beliefs and cults, firmly established in 
the minds and hearts of all classes of the people, we 
may gather some idea of the causes which led to the 
establishment among them of a government based 
on the system of ayllus or village communities. 
The rooted beliefs in the Paecarisca or common 
ancestry of each ayllu, placed their village system 
on a very firm basis, and as the Incas confirmed all 
local usages and superstitions of their subjects, a 
feeling of devoted loyalty appears to have been 
combined with veneration for the sun, the ancestor 
of their sovereigns. It is clear that the religious 
beliefs of the people were in perfect harmony with 
the remarkable social system on which the Inca 
government was based. 



Religion, in its ritual and ceremonial observances, 
was dependent on the annual recurrence of agri- 
cultural events such as the preparation of the 
land, sowing, and harvest, and both were dependent 
on the calendar. In the records of the old kings 
the gradual improvements in calculating the 
coming and going of the seasons are recorded, and 
under the Incas a certain approach to accuracy 
had been attained. The solstices and equinoxes 
were carefully observed. 

Stone pillars were erected, eight on the east and 
eight on the west side of Cuzco, to observe the 
solstices. They were in double rows, four and 
four, two low between two high ones, twenty feet 
apart. At the heads of the pillars there were discs 
for the sun's rays to enter. Marks were made on 
the ground, which had been levelled and paved. 
Lines were drawn to mark the movements of the 
sun, as shown when its rays entered the holes in 
the pillars. The pillars were called Sucanca, from 
Sum, a ridge or furrow, the alternate lights and 
shades appearing like furrows. 

115 ..... i 2 


To ascertain the time of the equinoxes there 
was a stone column in the open space before the 
temple of the sun, in the centre of a large circle. 
A line was drawn across the paved area from east 
to west. The observers watched where the shadow 
of the column was on the line from sunrise to 
sunset, and when there was no shadow at noon. 

The Inti-httatana of Pissac (from Squieb). 

This instrument was called Irdi-huatana, which 
means the place where the sun is tied up or 
encircled. There are also Inti-huatanas on the 
height of Ollantay-tampu, at Pissac, at Hatun- 
colla, and in other places. 

The ancient name of the sun was Uika. As 
a deity it was Inti. 1 As the giver of daylight it 
was Punchau, or Lupi. 

l UnxJA became the word for anything sacred. Inti was the 
name of the familiar spirit or Huaugui of Manco Ccapao in the form 


The name of the moon as a deity was Pacsa 
Mama ; as giving light by night, Quilla ; and there 
were names for its different phases. 

Illapa was the name for thunder, lightning 
and thunderbolts, the servants of the sun. Ghuqui 
Yllayllapa, Ghuqui Ilia Inti, Illapa were names 
for the thunder god. Liviac was the lightning. 

The stars were observed and many were named. 
Valera gives the names of five planets ; and fifteen 
other names are given by Acosta, Balboa, Morua, 
and Calancha. An attempt to make out the twelve 
signs of the zodiac from these names of stars is 
unsupported by evidence that can be accepted. 
The only observations of celestial bodies for which 
there is conclusive testimony are those of the sun, 
for fixing the time of solstices and equinoxes. 

The year was called Huata, the word Huatana 
being a halter, from Huatani, I seize ; ' the place 
where the sun is tied up or encircled,' hence Huata 
means a year. The Peruvian year was divided 
into twelve Quilla, or moons, of thirty days. Five 
days were added at the end, called Allcacanquis. 
The rule for adding a day every fourth year kept 
the calendar correct. The monthly moon revolu- 
tions were finished in 354 days, 8 hours, 
48 minutes. This was made to correspond 
with the solar year by adding eleven days, which 
were divided among the months. They regulated 

of a falcon, and its lofty flights connected it with the sun in some 
mythical sense. Later the word came to mean the sun itself, as a 


the intercalation by marks placed on the horizon, 
to denote where the sun rose and set on the days 
of the solstices and equinoxes. Observations of 
the sun were taken each month. 

There is some want of agreement among the 
authorities who give the names of the months. 
Some have the same names, but they are not given 
to the same months, while others have different 
names. After a careful analysis I have come to the 
conclusion that the list given by Calancha, Polo de 
Ondegardo, Acosta, Morua and Cobos, which is the 
one accepted by the second Council of Lima, is the 
most correct. Each one of the other authorities 1 has 
more names in agreement with the Calancha list 
than with any other. Acosta is in complete agree- 
ment as far as he goes, but only gives eight months. 

The correct calendar was, I believe, as follows : 

June 22 to July 22. Intip Raymi (June 22), Winter 

Solstice. Harvest Festival. 
July 22 to Aug. 22. Chahuar Quis. 
Aug. 22 to Sept. 22. Ccapac Sitda (Sept. 22), Spring 

Equinox. Expiatory Festival. 
Sept. 22 to Oct. 22. Ccoya Raymi (Sept. 22), Spring 

Oct. 22 to Nov. 22. Uma Raymi. 
Nov. 22 to Dec. 22. Ayamarca (Dec. 22), Summer Solstice. 

Or Cantaray. 
Dec. 22 to Jan. 22. Ccapac Raymi (Dec. 22), Summer 

Solstice. Huarachicu Festival. 
Jan. 22 to Feb. 22. Camay. 

l Molina, Betanzos, Fernandez, Velasoo, Huaman Foma. Mon- 
tesinos mentions one or two months. 




Feb. 22 to March 22. Hatun Pucuy (March 22), Autumn 

Equinox. Great ripening. 
March 22 to April 22. Pacha Pucuy {March 22), Autumn 

Equinox. Mosoc Nina. 
April 22 to May 22. Ayeihua. 
May 22 to June 22. Aymuray (June 22), Winter Solstice. 


Gold plates 5-^ inches in diameter, representing 
the sun, with a border apparently designed to 
denote the months by special signs, were worn 
on the breast by the Incas and the great coun- 
cillors. The gold ornaments were seized and 
ruthlessly destroyed by the Spaniards wherever 
they could be found. A great number were 
never found. Some were presented to General 
Echenique, then President of Peru, in 1853. 
There was the golden breastplate, a gold topu 
or pin, the head with a flat surface about 4 in. 
by 2 in., covered with incised ornaments ; four 
half-discs forming two globes and a long stalk, 
also a flat piece of gold with a long stalk. We 
thought that the flat piece like a leaf and the 
discs were from the golden garden of the sun, 
and a golden belt or fillet for the head. The 
President brought them to the house of Don 
Manuel Cotes, at Lima, for me to see, on October 
25, 1853, and I made a copy of the golden breast- 
plate and of the topu. The Seiiora Grimanesa 
Cotes (nee Althaus), the most beautiful lady in 
Lima at that time, held the tracing paper while 
I made the copy. It was very thin, and the 


figures were stamped, being convex on the outer 
side and concave on the inner. The outer diameter 
was 5- x % inches, the inner 4 inches. This is by 
far the most interesting relic of the Incas that is 
known to us. 1 I believe that the figures round 
the border represent the months, and that the 
five spaces separating them, one above and four 
below, are intended for the five intercalary days, 
Allcacanquisf In giving an account of the 
months and their festivals, I will place each figure 
taken from the border of the breastplate against 
the month which I would suggest that it represents, 
with a description. 

Intip Kaymi, the first month of the Peruvian 
year, begins at the winter solstice, on June 22. 3 
The sign of the gold breastplate occurs four 
times, for four months, two beginning and two 
ending with a solstice. The diamonds on the right 
and below perhaps indicate direction. 

The great harvest festival of Intip Raymi is 
picturesquely described by Valera. The harvest 
had been got in. There was a great banquet in 
the Gusi Pata, one of the principal squares of 
Cuzco, when the Orejones renewed their homage. 

l All traces of it are lost. Dr. Max Uhle recently made 
inquiries of General Echenique's son, but he knew nothing 
about it. 

3 Allca, wanting or missing ; canqui, you are. 

3 Balboa, Fernandez, Cobos, and Huaman Foma have Aucay 
Cuzqui for this month. Molina has Cuzqui Raymi. Betanzos 
Hatun Cuzqui. The Council of Lima, Calancha, Polo, Morua, 
Acosta, and Velasco have Yntip Raymi. 


Rising above the buildings to the north 
could be seen the beautiful facade^oi the palace of 
Pachacuti, with the sacred farm of Sausiru, and 
above them the precipice of the Sacsahuaman, 
crowned by the fortress. On the sides of the 
square were the temples to Uira-cocha, and other 
edifices built of stone and roofed with thatch. The 
images of Uira-cocha, of the Sun and of Thunder, 
were brought out and placed on their golden 
altars. Presently the Inca and the Ccoya entered 
the square at the head of a long procession, with 
the standard, the Tupac Yauri, or golden sceptre, 
and the royal weapons borne before them. 

This central figure of the Sovereign Inca was 
constantly seen on all great occasions. With the 
help of the portraits at Santa Ana, of the sketches 
in the curious manuscript of Huaman Poma, and 
of descriptions, we can imagine the appearance of 
the Peruvian emperor. 

Many generations of culture and of rule had 
produced men of a very different type from any 
Peruvian Indian of to-day. We see the Incas in the 
pictures at the church of Santa Ana at Cuzco. 
The colour of the skin was many shades fighter 
than that of the down-trodden descendants of 
their subjects ; the forehead high, the nose slightly 
aquiline, the chin and mouth firm, the whole face 
majestic, refined, and intellectual. The hair was 
carefully arranged, and round the head was the 
sign of sovereignty. The llautu appears to have 
been a short piece of red fringe on the forehead, 


fastened round the head by two bands. It was 
habitually worn, but when praying the Inca 
took it off, and put it on the ground beside him. 
The ceremonial head-dress was the mascapaycha, a 
golden semicircular mitre on the front of which 
the llautu was fastened. Bright-coloured feathers 
were fixed on the sides, and a plume rose over the 
summit. Long golden ear-drops came down 
to the shoulders. The tunic and mantle varied 
in colour, and were made of the finest vicuna wool. 
In war the mantle was twisted and tied up, either 
over the left shoulder or round the waist. On 
the breast the Incas wore a circular golden breast- 
plate representing the sun, with a border of signs 
for the months. The later Incas wore a very 
rich kind of brocade, in bands sewn together, 
forming a wide belt. The bands were in squares, 
each with an ornament, and as these ornaments 
were invariable there was probably some meaning 
attached to them. 

The material was called tocapu, and was 
generally worn as a wide belt of three bands. 
Some of the Incas had the whole tunic of tocapu. 1 
The breeches were black, and in loose pleats 
at the knees. The usutas, or sandals, were of 
white wool. 

The Inca, equipped for war, had a large square 
shield of wood or leather, ornamented with patterns, 

l Inca Rocca is said to have invented the cumpi, or very fine 
cloth, and the invention of the tocapu is attributed to his grandson 


and a cloth hanging from it, also with a pattern 
and fringe. There was a loop of leather on 
the back, to pass the arm through. In one 
hand was a wooden staff about two feet long, 
with a bronze star of six or eight points fixed 
at one end — a most formidable war-club. In the 
other hand was a long staff with the battle-axe 
fixed at one end, called huaman champi or cunca 
cuchun. In public worship or festivals the 
imperial weapons were usually laid aside, and borne 
before the sovereign. 

The Ccoya, or queen, wore the lliclla, or 
mantle, fastened across the chest by a very large 
golden topu, or pin, with head richly carved with 
ornaments and figures. The lliclla, or mantle, 
and acsu, or skirt, varied as regards colour. The 
head was adorned with golden circlets and flowers. 

These magnificent dresses gave an ^ air of 
imperial grandeur to the great festivals, while the 
attire of the other Incas and of the Ore j ones was 
only slightly less imposing. 

The High Priest, being an ascetic, wasfnever 
present, but the other priests, the augurs and 
diviners, were in attendance. The councillors, 
great lords and warriors, were all assembled, seated 
according to their order and precedence, the Inca 
being on a raised platform under a canopy. Pre- 
sently there appeared an immense crowd of people 
who had come from all directions to take part in 
the festival. As soon as the homage and the 
sacrifices were finished the tables were placed, 


covered with white cotton cloths, and adorned 
with flowers. 

The Acllas, or virgins of the sun, then appeared, 
dressed in white robes, with diadems of gold. 
They came to serve at the feast. Commencing 
with the Inca and the Ccoya, they gave to all abun- 
dantly, adding plenty of chicha. Finally they 
gave to each guest a piece of the lllay Tarda, or 
sacred bread, which was looked upon as a precious 
gift, and preserved by the recipient as a relic. 

After the feast the virgins brought the cloth 
they had been weaving during the whole year, and 
presented the best and most curious pieces to the 
Inca and the members of his family, then to the 
principal lords and their families. The cloth was 
all of vicuna wool, like silk. The virgins also 
presented robes, garlands, ornaments, and many 
other things. To the rest of the great assembly they 
distributed coarser cloth of wool and cotton. The 
harvest festivities were continued for several days. 

Chahuar Quiz, 1 the next month, from July 22 
to August 22, was the season for ploughing 
the lands, without cessation and by relays. The 
sign on the breastplate seems to indicate that the 
work was continuous, both by the light of the sun, 
and of the moon and stars. 

l Betanzos has Cahuaquis, or Chahuar Huarqui according to 
Polo, Acosta, Cobos, and Fernandez. Molina has Tarpuy Quilla 
and Moron Passu. Huaman Poma has Ghacra Cunacuy. Passu 
should be Pacsa, the moon, and Tarpuy Quilla means the sowing 
month. Cunacuy is to consult together, and Chacra, a farm ; 
Balboa has Chahuar-quis. 


Ccapac Situa 1 was the third month, the season 
for sowing the land. The sign on the breast- 
plate indicates furrows on one side, and the act 
of pouring seed on a prepared plot of ground 
on the other. Another name for this month is 
Yapaquis, the word Yapa meaning an addition 
to land, or ploughed land, Yapuna being a plough. 
It was from August 22 to September 22. 

Ccoya Raymi, from September 22 to October 
22, was the fourth month, commencing with the 
vernal equinox. It was the month for the great 
nocturnal expiatory festival called Situa. 2 On the 
breastplate the signs represent the nocturnal 
character of the feast. The object of the festival 
was to pray to the Creator to be pleased to shield 
the people from sickness, and to drive all evils 
from the land. 

A great number of men with lances, and fully 
armed for war, assembled in the Intvp Pampa, or 
open space in front of the temple of the sun, where 
the High Priest proclaimed the feast. The armed 
men then shouted : ' sickness, disaster and mis- 
fortune, go forth from the land ! ' Four hundred 
men assembled. They all belonged to ayllus, or 
clans, of the highest rank. Three ayllus of royal 
descent were represented, and four of those descend- 
ing from the chosen followers of the Ayars. There 

1 Polo, Acosta, Balboa and Cobos have Yapaquis; Huaman 
Poma has Chacra Yapuy ; Betanzos has Ccapac Siquis ; Fernandez 
Tiizqua quia. Yapuy is to plough. 

2 All agree, except Betanzos and Fernandez, who have Situa Quit, 


were twenty to twenty-five selected from nineteen 
tyllus. One hundred faced to the south, one 
lundred to the west, one hundred to the east, and 
3ne hundred to the north. Again they shouted, 
; Go forth, all evils ! ' Then all four companies 
ran with great speed in the directions they were 
facing. Those facing south ran as far as Acoya- 
puncu, 1 about two leagues ; finally bathing in 
ihe river at Quiquisana. Those facing west ran 
is far as the river Apurimac, and bathed there. 
Those facing east ran at full speed over the plateau 
}f Chita and down into the Vilcamayu valley, 
3athing at Pissac. Those facing north ran in that 
lirection until they came to a stream, where they 
aathed. The rivers were supposed to carry the 
jvils to the sea. 

When the ceremony commenced and the armed 
men started on their races, all the people came to 
their doors and, shaking their mantles, shouted: 
' Let the evils be gone. Creator of all things, 
permit us to reach another year, that we may see 
another feast like this.' Including even the Inca, 
they all danced through the night, and went in the 
morning twilight to bathe in the rivers and foun- 
tains. They held great torches of straw bound 
round with cords, which they lighted and went on 
playing with them, passing them from one to the 
other. They were called Pancurcu. Meanwhile, 
puddings of coarsely ground maize, called Sancu, 
were prepared in every house. These puddings 

l Now called Angostura. 


were applied to their faces and to the lintels of the 
doors, and were offered to the deities and to the 
mummies. On that day all, high and low, were 
to enjoy themselves, no man scolded his neigh- 
bour, and no word was passed in anger. On the 
following days there were magnificent religious 
ceremonials and sacrifices. Such was the great 
Situa festival. 

Uma Raymi was the fifth month, from October 22 
to November 22. It was so called because in 
this month the people of Uma, two leagues from 
Cuzco, celebrated their feast of HuaracMcu. This 
was the month of brewing chicha, referring to a 
method of brewing chicha used at great festivals. 
The figure on the breastplate seems to refer to 
the opening of hives and buds which took place 
in this month. But it was essentially the brewing 
month, and it must be confessed that the effects 
of the brewing were a very prominent feature at 
all the festivals. 

A fermented liquor was made from maize, 
which is called chicha by the Spaniards, but the 
native name is acca. The grains of maize were 
first chewed into a pulp by women and girls, 
because it was believed that saliva had medicinal 
qualities. The masticated maize was then boiled 
and passed through several colanders of fine 
cotton, and the liquor was finally expressed. 
Fermentation then took place. The acca was often 
flavoured with the berries of the Schinus Molle 
and other things to give it piquancy. Latterly 


the Peruvians discovered some kind of distilling 
process, and made a spirit called uinapu or sora. 1 
Drinking to excess prevailed at all the festivals, 
while the man who drank much and kept his head 
was held in high esteem. This prevalence of 
drunkenness at the festivals led to other vices, 
and was the most pernicious habit they indulged in. 
Ayamarca, 2 the sixth month, from November 22 
to December 22, ended with the summer solstice, 
and had a sign on the breastplate similar to the 
month of the winter solstice. The name is that 
of a once powerful tribe near Cuzco, which held 
their Huarachicu festival in this month. 3 In 
Cuzco it was a time of preparation for the great 
Huarachicu festival in the following month. 
Quantities of chicha continued to be brewed 
after the Cantaray i fashion, whatever that may 
have been. The youths who were to receive 
their arms in the next month, went to the very 
sacred huaca called Huanacaubi to offer sacrifices 
and ask his permission to receive knighthood. 
This huaca was on a hill about three miles from 

l From uinani, I fill. Garcilasso also mentions the strong 
drink called uinapu (i. 277, iii. 61), and both Garcilasso and 
Acosta mention Sora. 

3 All agree, except Betanzos and Fernandez, who have Cantaray. 

3 As Aya means death, several authorities thought Ayamarca 
was a festival in honour of the deceased ; but I think that Molina 
should be followed here, who gives the derivation as in the text. 
The termination Marca shows that the word was the name of a 

* Betanzos and Fernandez give Cantaray as the name of the 


Cuzco, and was one of the Ayars, brother of 
Manco Ccapac, turned into stone. It specially 
presided over the Ruarachicu festival. The youths 
passed the night on the sacred hill, and fasted. 

Cccvpac Raymi, from December 22 to January 22, 
was the seventh month, 1 beginning with the 
summer solstice. On the breastplate it has the 
solstitial sign, with the diamonds pointing differently. 
In this month was the grandest Raymi, or festival, 
in the year, called Huarachicu. 

After going through an ordeal, the youths 
were given arms, allowed to wear breeches, called 
huara, and had their ears pierced. During the 
first eight days of the month all the relations 
were busily employed in preparing the usutas, 
or shoes made of fine reeds almost of the colour 
of gold, and the huaras of the sinews of llamas, 
and in embroidering the shirts in which the youths 
were to appear when they went to the hill of 
Huanacauri. The shirts were made of fine 
yellow wool with black borders of still finer wool 
like silk. The youths also wore mantles of white 
wool, long and narrow, reaching to the knees. 
They were fastened round the neck by a cord from 
whence hung a red tassel. The youths were 
clothed in this dress, shorn, and taken to the 
great square by their parents and relations. The 
latter wore yellow mantles with black plumes on 
their heads from a bird called guito. Many 

1 All agree except Betanzos, who has Pucuy Raymi, and Fernan- 
dez, Pura Upiay, or 'double drinking.' 


young maidens also came, aged from eleven to 
fourteen, of the best families, carrying vases of 
chicha. They were called ffiusta - colli - scupa, 
or princesses of unequalled valour. The images 
of the deities were brought out, and the youths 
and maidens, with their relations, were grouped 

The Inca came forth, and the youths obtained 
permission from him to sacrifice to Huanacauri. 
Each had a llama prepared as an offering, and they 
all marched, with their relations, to the sacred hill. 
That night they slept at a place called Matahua, 1 
at the foot of the hill. At dawn next day they 
delivered up their offerings to the Tarpuntay and 
ascended the hill, still fasting. This was the 
prayer they offered to the Himnacauri : 

' Huanacauri, our Father, may the Creator, the 
Sun, and the Thunder ever remain young, and never 
become old. May thy son, the Inca, ever retain his youth, 
and grant that he may prosper in all his undertakings. 
To us, thy sons, who now celebrate this festival, grant 
that we may be ever in the hands of the Creator and in 
thy hands/ 

Bags called chuspas were then given to the 
youths, and breeches made of aloe fibre and 
sinews of llamas, called huara. The youths then 
marched to a ravine called Quirirmanta,* where 
they were met by their relations and severely flogged 
to try their endurance. This was followed by the 

1 A halting-place of the Ayars. See p. 53. 
* Ibid. See p. 62. 


song called Huari, the youths standing and the 
rest of the people seated. They returned to 
Cuzco, where the youths were flogged again in 
the great square. Then there was a curious 
ceremony. The shepherd of the llamas dedicated 
to the feast came with a llama, called Napa, draped 
in red cloth with golden earrings. 1 It was pre- 
ceded by men blowing through sea-shells. The 
Suntur Paucar, insignia of the Inca, was brought 
out, and a dance was performed. The youths 
and their relations then returned to their homes and 
fed upon the roasted flesh of the sacrificial llamas. 
The business of initiation continued through 
the month. The next event was the great foot-race. 
The youths passed the night in a gorge called 
Quilli-yacolvaca, the starting-place being a hill, 
two leagues from Cuzco, called Anahuarqui. Each 
held a staff called Tupac Yauri, mounted with 
gold or bronze. Here five lambs were sacrificed 
to the Creator and the sun, followed by songs. 
The course was a very long one, as far as Huana- 
cauri, where the maidens were stationed, called 
IXusta-calli-sapa, with supplies of chicha to 
refresh the exhausted runners. They kept singing 
a refrain : ' Come quickly, youths, we are waiting 
for you/ The youths stood in a row at the foot 
of the hill, numbering several hundreds. The 
starter was an official gorgeously attired, and as 
he dropped the Yauri about eight hundred, aspirants 

1 Huaman Poma has a drawing representing the Inoa speaking 
to the Napa, or sacred llama. 

k 2 


ran like deer across the plain — a thrilling sight. Few 
people, in the new or old world, could equal the 
Peruvians in speed, and the competition to be 
the first to receive drinks from the hands of beauty 
was very close. There were more songs and 
disciplinary flogging, and in the evening the grand 
procession was formed to return to Cuzco, headed 
by the Suntur Paucar of the Inca and the Raymi 
Napa, or golden llama. 

On the next day the rewards were distributed by 
the Inca in person, on the hill called Raurana. 
The aspirants had passed the night in a place 
called Huaman Gancha (place of falcons), at the 
foot of the hill, which is two miles from Cuzco. 
The Inca proceeded to the summit of the hill, 
where stood the huaca called Raurana, consisting 
of two falcons carved in stone, upon an altar. 
The priest of the huaca officiated at the pre- 
liminary prayers and sacrifices, the youths standing 
in rows before their sovereign. There were prayers 
that the aspirants might become valiant and 
enterprising warriors. The haylli was sung and, 
at a sign from the Inca, the priest presented each 
of the youths with breeches called huarayuru, 
ear-pieces of gold, red mantles with blue tassels, 
and red shirts. They also received diadems with 
plumes called pilco cassa, and pieces of gold 
and silver to hang round their necks. Then 
followed songs and hymns, which lasted for an 
hour. The return to Cuzco was in the same 
order as on the previous day. 


Next there was a grand performance in the 
Huacay Pata, or principal square of Cuzco. 
The skins of jaguars and pumas had been prepared 
with the heads, having gold pieces in their ears, 
golden ^ teeth, and golden rings, called chifana, 
on their paws. Those who were dressed in the 
skins, with many other men and women, performed 
a ceremonial dance to the music of drums. The 
dance was performed with a cable, which was 
kept in a building called Moro Urco, near the 
temple of the sun. The cable was woven in four 
colours — black, white, red, and yellow. At the 
ends there were stout balls of red wool. All over 
the strands small plates of gold and silver were 
sewn. The cable was called Huascar. Every 
one took hold of it, men on one side disguised in 
the skins and heads of wild beasts, and women on 
the other, and so, to the sounds of wild music, 
the Yaqauyra was danced through a great part 
of the night, round and round until the dancers 
were in the shape of a spiral shell, and then un- 
winding. Finally the cable was taken back to the 
Moro Urco. 

Next, in the third week of the month, all the 
youths went to bathe in the, fountain called Calis 
Puquio, about a mile to the rear of the fortress of 
Cuzco, in the ravine of the Huatanay. They 
returned to the Ruacay Pata, and were solemnly 
presented with their arms, the sling, the club, the 
axe, and the shield, the ceremony concluding with 
prayers and sacrifices. The final event was the 


boring of the ears, which completed the transition 
from boys to fully equipped Orejones and 
warriors. Next came the use of the weapons. 

The next month, from January 22 to February 
22, was called Camay. 1 It was the month of exer- 
cises and sham fights. The youths were divided 
into two armies of Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco, 
and on the very first day they came into the great 
square with the Huaracas, or slings, and began to 
hurl stones at each other. At times they came to 
close quarters to try the strength of their muscles. 
The Inca was himself present in person, and 
preserved order ; seeing also that the young 
warriors were taught to march together, and to use 
the axe and the club. During these exercises the 
new knights wore black tunics, fawn-coloured 
mantles, and a head-dress of white feathers from 
a bird called tocto. After the exercises there 
was a feast, with much drinking of chicha. 

The ninth month was the month of the great 
ripening. It was called Katun Pucuy, and 
was represented by stalks of corn with curved 
baskets. 2 Betanzos has Colla Pucuy. Both 
names refer to the ripening. 3 

Pacha Pucuy 4 was the tenth month, from 

l All agree except Betanzos, who has Coya Quis. 

3 The baskets are exactly as represented on the drawings of 
Huaman Poma. 

3 All agree except Betanzos, who has Colla Pucuy, and Fernandez, 
Cac Mayquis. Huaman Poma has Paucar Vara. 

i Molina has Paucar TJaray, and is followed by Fernandez. 
The rest agree. 


March 22 to April 22, at the autumnal equinox. 
In this month there was the fourth great annual 
festival called the Mosoc Nina, when the sacred 
fire in the temple, always kept burning, was 
solemnly renewed. The month is represented 
by the stone and the spark. 

The Ayrihua, 1 from April 22 to May 22, was 
the beginning of harvest. The new knights went 
to the foot of the fortress, to the farm called 
Sausiru. The tradition was that here the wife of 
the Ayar Manco Ccapac sowed the first maize. 
They returned with the maize in small baskets, 
singing the Yarahui. 

The twelfth and last month of the year was 
called Aymuray* and was the month for gathering 
in the harvests and conveying the corn and 
other produce to the barns and store-houses. 
Huaman Poma gives a picture of the busy scene. 
The month is represented by the solstitial sign, 
because its last day is the solstice. Then followed 
the great harvest-home month of Intip Raymi. 

Besides the great festivals which came round 
with the calendar, the Peruvians had their family 
rites and ceremonies. On the fourth day after the 
birth of a child, all the relations were invited to 
come and see it, in its Quirau or cradle. When 
it reached the age of one year, it was given a 
name, whether boy or girl, to last until it was of 
age. This was called the Rutuchicu. The child 

l All agree except Huaman Poma, who has Inca Raymi. 
2"'A11 agree. 


was then shorn, the eldest uncle cutting the 
first hair. At the Huarachicu the youth dropped 
his child name, and received another name to 
last for his life. Girls, when they were of age, 
had to undergo a ceremony called Quicuchica. 
They had to fast for three days, and on the fourth 
they were washed and clothed in a dress called 
Ancalluasu, with shoes of white wool. Their 
hair was plaited and a sort of bag was placed on 
their heads. The relations then came, and gave 
the girl the name she was to bear for the rest of her 
fife. They presented gifts, but there were no 
idolatrous practices. 

In all this we see how the family rites, and 
the festivals coming round with the months, were 
woven into the lives of the people ; and, at least 
at Cuzco, the central figure of the sovereign Inca 
rose above it all, constantly seen as the chief 
person in all that concerned them. 

During the palmy days of the empire the festivals 
were observed in each province, though, of course, 
with less magnificence, under the auspices of the 
Viceroys and Curacas. 



It was the wise policy of the Incas to try to estab- 
lish one language throughout their vast dominions, 
and they had an excellent instrument for their 
purpose. Their language was called Runa-simi, 
literally, the ' man's mouth,' or, as we should say, 
the man's tongue or the human speech. It was 
spoken, in its perfection, in the Inca and Quichua 
regions, the lands watered by the Vilcamayu 
and the Apurimac, with their tributaries. But 
the speech of more distant tribes was closely 
allied, and merely formed dialects, so that the 
establishment of the use of the Runa-simi presented 
but slight difficulties. Indeed, I am inclined to 
think that the separate dialects were the debris 
of one original language spoken during the mega- 
lithic age. Differences would be caused by the 
isolation of ayllus in valleys difficult of access. The 
same words would receive different meanings, while 
different words would get to have the same meaning. 
It was the object of the rulers of Peru that these 
differences should disappear, and this useful ad- 
ministrative measure was quickly and automatically 
nearing completion. The Runa - simi is a rich 



and flexible language. It would be tedious to 
enter into much detail, but a few peculiarities 
may be mentioned. The letters B, D, F, and G 
(hard) are wanting, and the vowels E and are 
rarely used. But there are some forcible gutturals, 
and some words require a very strong emphasis 
on the initial P and T. 1 The sound Ch is frequent. 
In the grammar there are no genders, no articles, 
and the particle, which forms the plural of nouns, 
is declined. The verbs have two first persons 
plural, inclusive and exclusive, and particles which 
have the effect of indicating transition from the 
first person to the second, second to third, third 
to first, and third to second. But the peculiarity 
in the language which gives it such great power 
of expression and flexibility is the use of nominal 
and verbal particles. They are exceedingly 
numerous, serving to alter the parts of speech, 
and to modify the meanings of words in an infinite 
number of ways. As is the case with some other 
American languages, there is a great variety of 
names for degrees of relationship. For instance, 
there is a different word for the sister of a brother 
and the sister of a sister, and vice versa. 

The Runa-simi was well adapted for adminis- 
trative purposes, such as promulgating decrees, 
recording statistics, and keeping accounts. For 
the latter purposes the Peruvians resorted to the 

l Caca has a meaning quite different from Ccaca, the latter 
representing a stronger guttural. Tarda and ttania, pacha and 
ppacha have very different meanings. 


use of quipus. I am unable to throw any new light 
on the extent to which this system could be made 
to record events, except that further evidence has 
been forthcoming that they were actually used for 
such purposes. For administrative work their utility 
cannot be doubted, and they served their purpose 
admirably. The quipu was a rope to which a 
number of strings were attached, on which knots 
were made to denote numbers — units, tens, hund- 
reds, &c. The Peruvians had a complete system of 
numeration. The colours of the strings explained 
the subjects to which the numbers referred. The 
accounts were in charge of trained officials called 
Quipucamayoc, and by this method the complicated 
business of a great empire was conducted. 

It is quite conceivable that, with a sufficient 
staff of trained and competent officials, such a 
system might be made to work efficiently. Indeed, 
we know that this was the case. The difficulty is 
to understand how traditions could be preserved 
and historical events recorded by the use of quipus. 
Bias Valera refers, as his authorities for various 
statements respecting rites and ceremonies, to the 
quipus preserved in different provinces, and even 
by private persons. 1 

There must, however, have been interpreters of 
the quvpus, those who, with knowledge derived 

1 He refers to the quipus of Cuzco, Caxamarca, Quito, Huama- 
chuco, Paohacamac, Chinoha, Sacsahuaman, Cunti-suyu and Colla- 
suyu, and to those in the possession of Luis and Francisco Yutu 
Inoa and Juan Hualpa Inca, as his authorities. 


from other sources, could use the knots as re- 
minders and suggesters by which an event could 
be kept in memory with more accuracy. These 
were the Amautas, or learned men and councillors. 
For them the quipus formed a system of reminders, 
giving accuracy to knowledge derived from other 
methods of recording events and traditions. For 
it cannot be supposed that the system of different 
coloured knots could do more than supply a sort 
of aid to memory, or a memoria technica. It is, 
however, certain that the traditions and records 
of events were preserved by the Amautas with 
considerable exactness. There is, for instance, the 
Paccari-tampu myth. It is told by Garcilasso de 
la Vega, Cieza de Leon, Betanzos, Balboa, Morua, 
Montesinos, Salcamayhua and Sarmiento, all agree- 
ing sufficiently closely to prove that precisely the 
same tradition had been handed down, with the 
same details, to their various informants. Similarly 
the details of the Chanca war and other principal 
events were preserved. 

Sarmiento tells us how this was done on the 
highest authority. He examined thirty-two wit- 
nesses of the Inca family in 1571, and his first 
inquiry was respecting the way in which the memory 
of historical events was preserved. He was in- 
formed that the descendants of each sovereign 
formed an ayllu or family, whose duty it was to 
keep the records of the events of his reign. This 
was done by handing down the histories in the form 
of narratives and songs which the Amautas of each 


ayllu, specially trained for the duty, learnt by 
heart from generation to generation. They had 
help by means of the quipus, and also by the use 
of pictures painted on boards. These pictures, it 
was stated, were preserved with great care. But 
none have come down to us. Pictures are mentioned 
by Garcilasso de la Vega, and there are entries in 
the recently discovered manuscript of Huaman 
Poma which make it almost certain that portraits 
of the Incas and their queens once existed. Hua- 
man Poma gives clever pen-and-ink sketches of the 
Incas and Ccoyas, with a page of description for each. 
In the descriptions he not only gives an account 
of the personal appearance, but also mentions the 
colour of the tunic and mantle of each Inca, and 
of the acsu 1 and lliclla % of each Ccoya. Now this 
would be quite out of place for pen-and-ink sketches. 
It is, therefore, fairly certain that Huaman Poma 
alluded to coloured pictures, or to the tradition of 
them, and that such pictures were used to assist 
and co nfir m the traditions handed down in the 
ayllus, with the aid of the quipus. The preserva- 
tion of the traditions and lists of the ancient kings, 
as well as of the historical events in the reigns of 
the Incas, were secured by these means. Sarmiento 
tells us that the most notable historical events were 
painted on great boards and deposited in the hall 
of the temple of the sun. Learned persons were 
appointed, who were well versed in the art of 
understanding and explaining them. 

l Skirt, a Mantle. 


The Peruvians appear to have been advanced 
in the study of geography and in the use of relief 
maps. The provinces were measured and surveyed, 
and the natural features were shown by means of 
these relief maps moulded in clay. 1 They were 
used by the Incas for administrative purposes, and 
especially for deciding the destinations of colonists. 
Grarcilasso de la Vega had the great advantage of 
seeing one of these relief maps. It was made of 
clay, with small stones and sticks, and was a model 
of the city of Cuzco, showing the four main roads. 
It was according to scale, and showed the squares 
and streets, and the streams, and the surrounding 
country with its hills and valleys. The Inca 
declares that it was well worthy of admiration, 
and that the best cosmographer in the world could 
not have done it better. It was constructed at 
Muyna, a few leagues south of Cuzco, where 
Garcilasso saw it. 

There were Yacha Huasi, or schools, at Cuzco, 
said to have been founded by Inca Rocca, where 
youths were trained and instructed as Amautm 
and Quipucamayocs. The former were in close 
touch with the hierarchy, and were usually either 
priests or councillors of the sovereign. The 
Harahuecs, or bards, were also trained at these 

The Runa-simi was nobly and abundantly used 
in preserving the origins and developments of 
Andean civilisation, although the want of knowledge 

1 Sarmiento, p. 120. 


of an alphabet and the Spanish cataclysm have only 
allowed that preservation, so complete when the 
end came, to reach us in scattered fragments. 
Probably the most ancient relic we possess is the 
mythical song given by Valera, and handed down 
to us by Garcilasso de la Vega. It is a fanciful 
idea, referring the noise of thunder to the shattering 
of a sister's bowl by a brother ; a slight thing in 
itself, but showing the play of fancy in the imagina- 
tive minds of these people. Of equal antiquity 
are the prayers which have been preserved by 
Molina, and those hymns to the Supreme Being 
handed down to us by Salcamayhua. A pretty 
harvest song, a hunting song to accompany a dance, 
a love ditty, and a remarkable song supposed to be 
sung by a condemned man before execution, are 
undoubtedly ancient, for they are found in the 
manuscript of Huaman Poma. They throw much 
light on the simple character of the people, on 
their fancies and turns of thought. The love song 
is imaginative, and has some pretty fancies. There 
were many such songs in the collection of Dr. 
Justiniani, and some occur in the drama of Ollantay. 
The most interesting and complete relic of 
Peruvian literature is the drama of Ollantay, over 
which there has been much controversy with refer- 
ence to its antiquity. It was first made known 
through the account of it given in the ' Museo 
Erudito' of Cuzco, in 1837. l In 1853 the present 

l By Don Manuel Palacios ; Nos. 5 to 9, reproduced by Dr. 
Don Pio Mesa in his Anales del Cuzco. 


writer made search for the original text of the 
drama, and for the best sources of information. 
In those days an intelligent and learned scholar, 
Dr. Julian Ochoa, was Rector of the University of 
San Antonio Abad at Cuzco, 1 and there also resided 
in the ancient city of the Incas a venerable lady 
who remembered the insurrection of Pumacagua, 
and whose intimate relations with the leading 
Indians of those times, and profound knowledge of 
the folklore and language of her countrymen, placed 
her in the first rank as an exponent of tradition. 
It was under the guidance of these two high 
authorities that the present writer conducted his 

They told him of the existence of a last descend- 
ant of the Incas, living in one of the most secluded 
valleys of the eastern Andes, and possessing the 
original text of the old Inca drama, and many other 
documents of interest. It was necessary to cross 
the lofty range of mountains which bounds the 
lovely vale of the Vilcamayu, to pass over grassy 
plateaux at a great elevation, where the sapphire 
blue of the small alpine lakes contrasted with the 
dark surfaces of the precipitous cliffs, and then to 
descend, by winding paths, into the secluded vale 
of Laris. Here there was a small church, a few 
huts, and a house consisting of buildings on two 
sides of a courtyard, with the church tower seen 
over the roof. Away in one direction there was a 
wooded glen of great depth, containing one small 

i Afterwards Bishop of Cuzco. 


house built over a spring, which, consists of medicinal 
waters of special virtue for various complaints. A 
small stream flowed down another ravine of wonder- 
ful beauty, with lofty mountains on either side. In 
those days the downward course of the river, called 
the Yanatilde, was unknown. Recently it has 
been explored, and found to be a tributary of the 

Such was Laris, where the descendant of the 
Incas lived as cura of the parish, with his grand- 
niece. His name was Dr. Pablo Justiniani, in 
direct descent from the Princess Maria Usca, 1 
married to Pedro Ortiz de Orue, the Encomendero 
of Maras. It will perhaps be remembered that 
Maras was the name of one of the tribes which 
followed the Ayars from Paccari-tampu. Dr. Justi- 
niani was a very old man. He could remember the 
great rebellion of Tupac Amaru in 1782, and was 
a friend of Dr. Antonio Valdez, who reduced the 
drama of Ollantay to writing. 

His house consisted of a long room opening on 
the courtyard, with small rooms at each end, and 
a kitchen in the other building. The furniture was 
a long table, some very old chairs, an inlaid cabinet, 
and two ancient chests. Round the walls hung 

l Maria Uaca was the daughter of the Inca Manco, and grand- 
daughter of Huayna Ceapao. Her brothers were the three last 
Incas — Sayri Tupac, Cusi Titu Yupanqui, and Tupac Amaru, 
Her daughter, Catalina Ortiz de Orue, married Don Luis Justiniani, 
the great-great-grandfather of Dr. Don Pablo Policarpo Justiniani, 
cura of Laris. One of Dr. Don Pablo's great-great-grandmothers 
was of the ayttu of the great Inca, Tupao Yupanqui, 


portraits of all the Incas from Manco Ccapac to 
Tupac Amaru, including the Princess Maria Usca. 
Under the portrait of Tupac Amaru was the 
sentence in Quichua : ' Lord ! behold how my 
enemies shed my blood. 5 There were also the 
coats of arms of the Incas granted by the Emperor 
Charles V, of Ortiz de Orue, Gonzalez, Carbajal, 
and Justiniani. 

The old cura talked of the drama of Ollantay, 
of Inca literature, and of the rebellions of Tupac 
Amaru and Pumacagua. His guest, in the intervals 
of copying manuscripts, took long * rambles down 
the beautiful vale of Yanatilde, and rejoiced to 
see the friendly relations that existed between 
the old cura and his parishioners, who raised 
crops of potatoes and ocas, and kept flocks of 
llamas which found pasturage on the mountain 
slopes. Bright and full of conversation in the 
daytime, the old cura sometimes suffered from 
headaches in the evenings. His niece then stuck 
coca leaves all over his forehead, which drove 
away the pain, so that he literally enjoyed a green 
old age. This was before the discovery of the 
virtues of cocaine. 

Out of the old cabinet, inlaid with mother-of- 
pearl and haliotis, Dr. Justiniani brought the 
pedigree showing his descent from the Incas, 
another pedigree showing his descent from the 
Emperor Justinian through the Genoese family, 
a volume of old Quichua songs, and the text of 
the drama of Ollantay. All these precious docu- 


ments were diligently copied. He gave me an 
account of the reduction of the drama to writing, 
and of the existing copies. 

It will be well to quote what Garci lasso de la 
Vega and others say on the subject before giving 
the information received from Dr. Justiniani: 
'The Amautas composed both tragedies and 
comedies, which were represented before the Inca 
and his court on solemn occasions. The subject 
matter of the tragedy related to military deeds 
and the victories of former times ; while the 
arguments of the comedies were on agricultural 
and familiar household subjects. They under- 
stood the composition of long and short verses, 
with the right number of syllables in each. They 
did not use rhymes in the verses.' * Salcamayhua 
also bears witness to the existence of the ancient 
drama, and gives the names for four different 
kinds of plays called Anay Sauea, a joyous repre- 
sentation, Hayachuca, Llama-llama, a farce, and 
Hanamsi, a tragedy. There is a clear proof that 
the memory of the old dramatic lore was preserved, 
and that the dramas were handed down by memory 
after the Spanish conquest. It is to be found in 
the sentence pronounced on the rebels at Cuzco, 
by the Judge Areche, in 1781. It prohibited ' the 
representation of dramas, as well as all other 
festivals which the Indians celebrated in memory 
of their Incas.' 

There then can be no doubt that these Inca 

1 In this Garcilasso was mistaken. They occasionally used rhymes. 

L 2 


dramas had been handed down. Dr. Justiniani 
told me that the OUantay play was put into 
writing by Dr. Don Antonio Valdez, the cura of 
Sicuani, from the mouths of Indians. He divided' 
it into scenes, with a few stage directions, and 
it was acted before the unfortunate Tupac Amaru, 
a friend of Valdez, who headed an insurrection 
against the Spaniards in 1782. It would appear 
that Valdez was not the first to reduce the play to 
writing, for there is or was a version of 1735, and 
others dating from the previous century. 1 

The father of Dr. Justiniani was a friend of 
Dr. Valdez, and he made a copy of that learned 
Quichua scholar's manuscript. This is the one 
which I copied. Dr. Valdez died in 1816, and in 
1853 the original Valdez manuscript was possessed 
by his nephew and heir, Don Narciso Cuentas of 
Tinta. I ascertained the existence of another 
copy in the possession of Dr. Rosas, the cura of 
Chinchero, and there was another in the monastery 
of San Domingo at Cuzco, which was nearly 
illegible from damp. But the literature on the 
subject of the drama of Ollantay is extensive. 

The period of the drama is during the reigns of 
the Inca Pachacuti and his son Tupac Yupanqui. 
The hero is a warrior named Apu Ollantay, 2 who 
was Viceroy of the province of Anti-suyu. Though 

1 Von Tschudi. 

2 The name of Ollantay occurs in the list of witnesses who 
were examined, by order of the Viceroy Toledo, respecting the 
history of the Incas. He belonged to the Aniasayac ayllu. 
I have not met with it in any other place. 


not of the blood-royal, this young nobleman 
entertained a sacrilegious love for a daughter of 
the Inca named Cusi Coyllur, or the ' joyful star/ 
The play opens with a dialogue between Ollantay 
and his servant Piqui Chaqui, a witty and facetious 
lad whose punning sallies form the comic vein 
which runs through the piece. Their talk is of 
OUantay's love for the princess, and to them 
enters the High Priest of the Sun, who, by per- 
forming a miracle, endeavours to dissuade the 
audacious warrior from his forbidden love. 

In the second scene the princess herself laments 
to her mother the absence of Ollantay. The 
Inca Pachacuti enters, and expresses warm affection 
for his child. Two songs are introduced, the 
first being a harvest song with a chorus threatening 
the birds that rob the corn, and the second a 
mournful love elegy. 

The lover presses his suit upon the Inca in the 
third scene, and is scornfully repulsed. He bursts 
out into open defiance in a soliloquy of great force. 
Then there is an amusing dialogue with Piqui 
Chaqui, and another love song concludes the act. 
Ollantay collects an army of Antis, and occupies 
the impregnable fortress in the valley of the 
Vilcamayu, since called Ollantay-tampu, accom- 
panied by two other chiefs named Urco Huaranca 
and Hanco Huayllu. Meanwhile Cusi Coyllur gave 
birth to a female child named Yma Sumac {How 
beautiful), a crime for which she was immured in a 
dungeon by her enraged father, the Inca Pachacuti. 


The child is brought up in the same building, 
without being aware of the existence of her 

Ollantay-tampu, at the entrance of a ravine 
descending to the valley of the Vilcamayu, rises 
amidst scenery of indescribable loveliness. The 
mountain of the principal ruins is very lofty and 
in the form of a sugar loaf, but with narrow plateaux 
breaking the steep slope, and giving room for the 
buildings. There is now little left, and their un- 
usual arrangement, which was made a necessity 
by the peculiarity and narrowness of the sites, 
makes it difficult to comprehend the original plan. 
Moreover the ruins are of different periods, some 
certainly belonging to the megalithic age. 

Ollantay-tampu was the fortress defending the 
sacred valley from the incursions of wild tribes 
from the north. It is the most interesting ruin 
in Peru, whether from an historical or a legendary 
point of view. It was the scene of this famous 
Inca drama, and here the gallant young Inca 
Manco repulsed the attack of the Spaniards under 
Hernando Pizarro. 

A fairly wide ravine, called Marca-cocha> 
descends from the heights of the Andes to the 
Vilcamayu valley, and at its entrance two lofty 
mountains rise on either side, with the little town 
of Ollantay-tampu between them. A steep path 
leads up, for 300 feet, to the first small plateau 
covered with ruins. On this little level space 
there are five immense stone slabs, upright against 


the mountain side. They stand endways, twelve 
feet high, united by small smooth pieces fitted 
between them. At their bases there are other 
blocks of huge dimensions, one fifteen feet long. 
I believe this to have been the great hall of the 
fortified palace of Ollantay. A stone staircase 
leads down to a small plateau, which was another 
part of the interior. 

Immediately below these plateaux there is a 
very remarkable terrace, with a wall of polygonal 
stones fitting exactly into each other, the lower 
course formed of blocks of immense size. In the 
wall there are nine recesses, 2 ft. 2 ins. high by 
1 ft. 4 ins. by 1 ft. 1 in. deep, to hold the household 
gods. At the further end the terrace is approached 
by a handsome doorway with a monolithic lintel, 
the side of immense stones sloping slightly inwards. 
A long staircase, hewn out of the solid rock, leads 
down. This doorway and terrace were the chief 
entrance and vestibule of the palace. Below the 
terrace there is a succession of well-constructed 
andeneria, or cultivated terraces, sixteen deep, 
descending to the valley. They would have 
supplied the garrison with provisions. 

Beyond the second plateau, which I believe to 
have been an interior, there is an open space which 
formed a court in front of the palace, and extended 
to the brink of a precipice which is partly revetted 
with masonry, whence there is a lovely view over 
the valleys. High up, above the palace, was the 
Irtfi-huatana, or circle and pillar for observing the 


equinox, like that which was formerly in the Inti- 
<pampa at Cuzco. 

About half a mile up the Marca-cocha ravine the 
•cliff becomes perpendicular, and here giant seats 
have been excavated, having canopies and steps 
up to them, with connecting galleries, all hewn 
out of the solid rocks. One is called Nusta-tiana 
(the princess's seat), the other Inca-misana, from 
its resemblance to an altar. On the road from 
the quarry there are two hewn stones called the 
saycusca rumi-cuna (tired stones). One is 9 ft. 
8 ins. by 7 ft. 8 ins., the other 20 ft. by 15 ft. by 
3 ft. 6 ins. The excavations, the tired stones, and 
parts of the ruins date from the megalithic age. 
The rest may be of the period of Ollantay. 

The second act finds Ollantay in open rebellion, 
and fully established in this' wonderful palace, 
where he was engaged in building and fortifying 
for several years. The name may be either from 
the drama or from an actual event handed 
down by tradition, but most of the early writers 
only call the fortress ' Tampu ' without any 
prefix. Molina and Salcamayhua have the complete 
name, Ollantay-tampu. The second act opens with 
Ollantay in his stronghold, hailed as Inca by his 
followers. In the next scene Yma Sumac, the 
child of Ollantay and Cusi Coyllur, who had been 
brought up without being aware of her mother's 
existence, is conversing with her attendant, Pitu 
Salla. The girl tells of the groans and sighs she 
has heard, when she has been walking in the 


. f W^ ■ 

-> ' 



. ,4 



garden, and of the strange feelings with which 
they fill her mind. Her^speec^isjh^finest passage 
in-the^pkj. There is an amusing dialogue "Between 
Bumi-naui, the general of Colla-suyu, and the 
scapegrace Piqui Chaqui, in the third scene, during 
which the death of the Inca Pachacuti is announced. 
He was succeeded by his son Tupac Yupanqui, 1 who 
had been absent for many years, engaged in con- 
quests, and is supposed to have been imperfectly 
informed of the events that had taken place round 
Cuzco. The new Inca gave the command of an 
army to Eumi-iiaui, with the duty of reducing the 
rebel forces under Ollantay to subjection. 

In the last act Eumi-naui adopted a cunning 
stratagem. Concealing his army in the neighbour- 
ing ravine of Yana-huara, he came to the strong- 
hold of the rebels, and appeared before Ollantay 
with his face covered with blood. He declared 
that he had been ill-treated by the Inca, and that 
he wished to join the insurrection. With regard to 
this incident, it is recorded that, in 1837, an Indian 
presented to Don Antonio Maria Alvarez, the 
political chief of Cuzco, an earthen vase with a face 
Med on it. The portrait must have been that 

1 la the Museo Erudito a doubt is thrown on the authenticity 
\ftid drama because Pachacuti is said to have been succeeded by 
Tupac Yupanqui ; for Garcilasso de la Vega places an Inca Yupanqui 
between Pachacuti and Tupac Yupanqui. At that time Garcilasso 
was accepted as the best authority. But it has since been proved 
that Garcilasso was mistaken, and that Tupac Yupanqui was the 
son and successor of Pachacuti, so that what seemed to be an 
argument a gainst the authenticity of the dr ama has be come an 
argument in its favour. -—— 


of a general, from the mascapaycha, or head-dress, 
and there were cuts on the face. The Indian 
declared that it had been handed down in his 
family, from generation to generation, as the 
likeness of the general Rumi-naui. 1 

Rumi-naui was received as an old friend and 
companion by Ollantay. A few days afterwards 
the great festival of Intip Raymi was celebrated. 
Rumi-naui encouraged the drunken orgies, keeping 
sober himself, and when all were heavy with 
.ljquor he opened the gates to admit his own 
men, and made prisoners of Ollantay and all his 

In the next scene there is a touching dialogue 
between Yma Sumac and Pitu Salla, which ends 
in the child being allowed to visit her mother in the 

The successful stratagem of Rumi-naui is 
reported to the Inca, in the next scene, by a 
messenger. Ollantay and his companions are 
then brought in as prisoners by the victorious 
general, who recommends that they should be 
put to death. But the magnanimous Inca not 
only pardons them, but restores Ollantay to all 
his honours. In the midst of the ceremonies of 
reconciliation, the child Yma Sumac bursts into the 
presence and entreats the Inca to save the life of 
his sister and her mother. All proceed to the 
dungeon of Cusi Coyllur, who is supposed to have 
been long since dead. The unfortunate princess 

l Museo Erudito, No. 5. 


is restored to the arms of her lover, and they 
receive the blessing of their sovereign. 

The drama of Ollantay is not alone in allowing 
a romantic passion to transgress the usages of the 
Inca court. We have another instance in the 
loves of Quilacu and-^uri Coyllur, which are told in 
a subsequent chaptierAnd another given by Morua, 
in the love of the Princess Chuqui-llantu for the 
shepherd-boy Aooy a-napa. It is most fortunate that 
this ancient drama has been preserved through 
having been reduced to writing by an appreciative 
scholar. The Inca Indians had a remarkable 
aptitude for dramatic representation, of which the 
Spanish priests took advantage. They collected 
Inca dramatic traditions and songs and compiled 
religious plays from them, in imitation of the 
Autos Sacramentales then in vOgue. Garcilasso 
de la Vega mentions these religious plays, and 
adds that the ' Indian lads repeated the dialogues 
with so much grace, feeling, and correct action, 
that they gave universal satisfaction and pleasure, 
and with so much plaintive softness in the songs, 
that the audience shed tears of joy at seeing their 
skill and ability.' 

I have two of these plays in my possession, 
written in the Quichua language. One was 
arranged by Dr. Lunarejo, a native of Cuzco and 
a celebrated Quichua scholar of the eighteenth 
century; but the date is 1707, before his time. 
It is entitled ' El pobre mas rico/ and was acted 

l See p. 244 


by Indians at Cuzco, where the scene is laid, in the 
days of the Incas. The dramatis personce are : 

Nina Quiru Inca Cora Siclla Nusta 

Yauri Titu Inca Cora Urnina Nusta 

Amaru Inca An Angel 

Quespillo (a droll) Demons. 

The other Quichua drama, entitled 'TJsca 
Paucar,' is more ancient, and was given to me 
by Dr. Julian Ochoa of Cuzco ; but it is strictly 
an Auto Sacramental. The dramatis persona 
are : 

Usca Paucar Choque Apu (an old man) 

Quespillo (a droll) Ccori-ttica 
Luzvel Yuncanina An Angel. 

I also have copies of twenty songs from the 
collection of Dr. Justiniani, and several others 
received from Quichua scholars in Ayacucho, 
Cuzco, and Puno. Nearly all are love songs, a few 
bright and cheerful, but the majority are elegies 
breathing sorrow and despair. 

The Incas were able to preserve the pedigrees 
and events of the reigns of sovereigns for many 
generations, by the means that have been described. 
In their dramas and songs they had made great 
advances in the poetic art, not only using verses to 
give expression to the passions of love and despair, 
but also to preserve fanciful myths and legends. 
In astronomy their knowledge sufficed to fix the 
periods of the solar year. The Amautas also had 


an extensive knowledge of the use of medicinal 
herbs and roots, and their advances in surgery 
are attested by the discovery of skulls at Yucay 
and elsewhere on which the trepanning operation 
has been performed. They used infusions of 
several herbs as purgatives and stomachics, as well 
as the root of a convolvulus ; other herbs were used 
for colds and pulmonary complaints, and salves 
were used, consisting of leaves and seeds of certain 
plants dried, pounded, and mixed with lard, 
some for wounds, others for rheumatism. For 
fevers they used several tonics, including a gentian. 
The chinchona plant was certainly used locally as 
a febrifuge, but not, I think, universally. In the 
Loxa province the bark was used, and known as 
Quina-quina. In the forests of Caravaya an infu- 
sion of the Chinchona flowers was given for ague, 
and called Yam chucchu. The name of calisaya, 
the species richest in quinine, is derived from two 
Quichua words : Gcali, strong, and sayay, to stand. 
From time immemorial men of a tribe called 
Collahuaya or Charasani, from Upper Peru, have 
collected medicinal herbs and roots, and, as itiner- 
ant doctors, have carried them all over the empire 
of the Incas. I have collected all the names of 
medicinal herbs and roots from ancient authors, 
especially Cobos. I have also received information 
on the same subjects from people with whom I 
came in contact who were likely to know the 
herbs now used by the Indians ; and I have exam- 
ined the bags of the Collahuayas at Lampa and other 


places. It is an interesting fact that many of the 
remedies mentioned by ancient writers are still to 
be found in the bags of modern itinerant doctors. 
The Inca G-arcilasso says that his mother's people 
used many medicinal plants, but he had forgotten 
their names. He, however, mentions the extra- 
ordinary effects of one called matecllu, which are 
described in the chapter on the Inca's life at 
page 268. 



The history of the people who formed the empire 
of the Incas, in their earlier development, is well 
worthy of careful study. Sarmiento's version of 
what he was told by the Amautas was that the 
people were broken up into small tribes, living 
in what the Spaniards call behetria, without any 
government except in time of war, when a tempor- 
ary chief, called Sinchi, was elected. But this is 
a very inadequate and misleading account of what 
must have been told him. The mountainous nature 
of the Andean region, cut up by such gorges as 
those of the Apurimac and the Pampas, led to the 
formation of numerous separate communities, 
and this would equally be the state of affairs in the 
valleys on the coast, which are separated from each 
other by sandy deserts. 

These communities were not without govern- 
ment; as Sarmiento supposed. From remote 
antiquity they consisted of families, all being related, 
like the Roman gens. A single community, occupy- 
ing part of a valley or a limited area, was called an 
ayllu. It was an organised family something on 
the lines of the village communities in India. The 



necessity for agricultural and pastoral industries 
led inevitably to a life of social intercourse, and to a 
patriarchal system under which the land belonged 
to the ayllu. The arable land was assigned annually 
to the heads of families, while the pasture and wood- 
land continued to be the common property of the 
ayllu. There were doubtless frequent wars 
respecting boundaries and rights of pasturage with 
neighbouring ayllus, but there were also confedera- 
tions of ayllus for defence, and for the construc- 
tion of works for the common good, which would 
be beyond the powers of a single ayllu — such as 
works of irrigation, and terraced cultivation. The 
unit was the head of a family, called furic, the 
united furies formed the ayllu, which occupied the 
cultivable land called marca. 

There is abundant evidence that this patri- 
archal system, with rules established by long 
custom, had existed from remote antiquity. The 
development of agriculture and the domestication 
of animals could not have been continued for 
centuries without the existence of an ordered 
social life, pointing to a head or heads to rule and 
direct. Moreover, the traditions and ancestral 
descents of the ayllus were most carefully pre- 
served down to the very last, and this no doubt led 
to the worship of ancestors, and to all the ceremonial 
services which it involved. 

In course of time the neighbouring ayllus, in 
many instances, united not only for purposes of 
defence, but also for social and industrial objects, 


thus forming a dan composed of several aylfas or 
families. Then several clans united and became a 
powerful tribe with an hereditary chief. Finally there 
arose great confederations like those of the Incas, 
the Chancas, and the Collas ; ending, after fierce 
and prolonged wars, in the supremacy of the Incas. 

The Incas respected the organisations they 
found among the people who came under their rule, 
and did not disturb or alter the social institutions 
of the numerous tribes they conquered. Their 
statesmanship consisted in systematising the 
institutions which had existed from remote 
antiquity, and in adapting them to the requirements 
of a great empire. 

Under the Incas the ayllu became a pachaca (100 
families), over which was placed a Llacta-camayoc 
or village officer, whose duty it was to divide the 
marca annually into topus, three being assigned to 
each puric or head of a family, sufficient for the 
maintenance of himself and his people, and for the 
payment of tribute to the state and to religion ; 
one third to each. 

The puric was responsible for the maintenance 
of his family connections, who were divided into 
ten classes, with their women : 

1. Pumc rucu (old man sleeping), sixty years and 

2. Chaupi rucu (' half old '), fifty to sixty years. Doing 
light work. 

3. Puric (able-bodied), twenty-five to fifty. Tribute 
payer and head of the family. 



4. Yma huayna (almost a youth), twenty to twenty- 
five. Worker. 

5. Coca palla (coca picker), sixteen to twenty. 

6. Pucllac huamra, eight to sixteen. Light work. 

7. Ttanta raquizic (bread receiver), six to eight. 

8. Macta puric, under six.* 

9. Saya huamrac, able to stand. 

10. Mosoc caparic, baby in arms. 

From all the classes younger than the puric, 
male and female, a certain number were taken 
annually for the service of the state and of religion. 
The population appears to have increased rapidly. 
In the pachaca, or old ayllu, there were a hundred 
purics. The Llacta-camayoc or head of the pachaca 
had to see that all were properly nourished and to 
register births and deaths. 

Ten pachacas formed a huaranca (1000 
families), with a chief selected from among the 
llacta-camayocs. The whole valley or district 
comprised a varying number of huarancas which 
was called a hunu, and the old hereditary native 
chiefs, with the name of curacas, retained some 
judicial power and were free from tribute. But 
over every four hunus there was an imperial officer 
called a Tucuyricoc, the literal meaning of which is 
' He who sees all.' His duty as overseer was to see 
that the whole complicated system of administra- 
tion worked with regularity, and that all the re- 
sponsible officials under him performed their 
duties efficiently. The later Incas had a Viceroy 


of the blood-royal, called Ccapac Apu, for each of 
of the four great provinces. 

There was also a system of periodical visitors 
to overlook the census and the tribute, and to 
examine minutely and report upon the state of 
affairs in each district. Other visitors, in consulta- 
tion with the local officials, selected young people 
of both sexes from the households of the furies 
for employments in the service of the State and 
of religion, according to their several aptitudes. 
Marriages were also arranged by the visiting officials. 

From the ranks of the people, men and women 
were needed for many purposes of state, each 
chosen from out of a puric household. First 
there were the shepherds. A census was taken of 
all the llamas and alpacas in each district and they 
were divided into flocks for the state, for religion 
and sacrifices, and for the curacas. They were sent 
to the best pastures in charge of the shepherds, 
and each puric received two couples for breeding 
purposes. Other youths were required as hunters, 
soldiers, chasquis or messengers, road - makers, 
builders, miners, artificers, and for the service of 
religion. Maidens were taken for the special service 
of the sun, selected by an official called Apu- 
panaca. Servants, called yana-cuna, were latterly 
chosen in a different way: It appears that a small 
tribe, living on the banks of a stream called 
Yana-mayu (black river), had been guilty of some 
shocking treason to Tupac Inca, and was to be 
annihilated. But the queen interceded for them, 

M 2 


and the sentence was commuted \o servitude for 
themselves and their descendants. They were called 
yana-mayu cuna, which was soon corrupted into 
yana-cuna ; and yana became the word for a 
domestic servant, as well as for the colour black. 
This institution of yana-cuna as domestic servants 
was quite exceptional, and no part of the regular 
Incarial system. 

Not the least important part of that system 
was the policy of planting colonists, called mitimaes, 
especially in provinces recently conquered or 
supposed to be disaffected. Married young men 
from the yma huayna class, with their wives, 
were collected from a particular district and con- 
veyed to a distant part of the empire, where their 
loyalty and industry would leaven a disaffected 
region. Vast numbers from recently conquered 
provinces were transported to localities where 
they would be surrounded by a loyal population, 
or to the eastern forests and unoccupied coast 
valleys. This was especially the case with the 
Collas, many of whom were sent as mitimaes or 
colonists as far as the borders of Quito. The 
Lupacas, on the western shores of Lake Titicaca, 
were exiled in great numbers to the southern coast 
valleys of Moquegua and Tacna. Their places 
were filled by loyal colonists from the Inca districts 
of Aymara, Cotapampa, and Chumpivilca. 

This colonising policy served more than one 
purpose. Its most obvious effect was to secure the 
quiet and prosperity of recently annexed provinces. 


It also led to the increased well-being and comfort 
of the whole people, by the exchange of products. 
Mitimaes in the coast valleys sent up cotton, aji, 1 
and fruits to their former homes, and received 
maize, potatoes, or wool in exchange. The 
mitimaes in the eastern forests sent up supplies 
of coca, and of bamboos and chonta wood for 
making weapons, and received provisions of all 
kinds. This system of exchanges was carried 
on by means of chasquis or couriers, constantly 
running over excellent roads. A third important 
end secured by the system of mitimaes was the 
introduction of one language to be used throughout 
the whole empire, a result which followed slowly 
and surely. The Runa-simi, or one general lan- 
guage, was an immense help in facilitating the 
efficient working of a rather complicated system 
of government. 

The Inca organisation was not a creation by a 
succession of able princes. Such a result would 
be impossible in the course of only a few generations. 
The Incas found the system of village communities 
prevailing among the tribes they conquered, and 
made as little alteration as was compatible with 
the requirements of a great empire. Their merit 
as statesmen is that they saw the wisdom of 
avoiding great changes, and of adapting existing 
institutions to the new requirements. They did 
this with a skill and ability which has seldom been 
approached, and with a success which has never 

l Capsicum. 


been equalled. Their system was necessarily 
complicated, but it was adjusted with such skill 
and ingenuity that it worked without friction and 
almost automatically, even when the guiding 
head was gone. An instance of this is recorded 
by Cieza de Leon, a soldier of the Spanish conquest. 
One of the details of the system was that when 
any calamity overtook a particular district, there 
was another neighbouring district told off to 
bring succour and supply its proportion of new 
inhabitants. Cieza de Leon testified that he saw 
this arrangement actually at work. When the 
Spaniards massacred inhabitants, burnt dwellings, 
and destroyed crops in one district of the Jauja 
valley, he saw the right people come from 
the right district to succour the sufferers, and 
help to rebuild the dwellings and re-sow the 

The Incarial system of government bears 
some general resemblance to a very beneficent 
form of Eastern despotism such as may have 
prevailed when Jamshid ruled over Iran. There 
was the same scheme of dividing the crops between 
the cultivator and the State, the same patriarchal 
care for the general welfare; but while the rule 
of Jamshid was a legend, that of the Incas was 
an historical fact. The Incarial government finds 
a closer affinity in the theories of modern socialists ; 
and it seems certain that, under the very peculiar 
condition of Peru when the Incas ruled, the dreams 
of Utopians and socialists became realities for 


a time, being the single instance of such realisation 
in the world's history. 

The condition of the people under the Incas, 
though one of tutelage and dependence, at the 
same time secured a large amount of material 
comfort and happiness. The inhabitants of the 
Andean region of Peru and of the southern half of 
the coast valleys were practically one people. 
Slightly built, with oval faces, aquiline, but not 
prominent noses, dark eyes, and straight black 
hair, the Inca Indian had a well-proportioned 
figure, well-developed muscular limbs, and was 
capable of enduring great fatigue. He was very 
industrious, intelligent, and affectionate among 
his own relations ; at the same time he was fond 
of festivity, and of indulgence in drinking bouts. 
The puric, with his family about him, went joyfully 
to his field work. Idleness was unknown, but 
labour was enlivened by sowing and harvest songs, 
while the shepherd-boys played on their pincullu, 
or flutes, as they tended the flocks on the lofty 
pastures. Wool was supplied to the people for 
their clothing, and hides for their usvias, or sandals, 
and even some luxuries, such as coca, reached 
them through the continuous ebb and flow of 
commercial exchanges by the mitimaes. Periodical 
festivities broke the monotony of work, some of 
a religious character, others in celebration of 
family events. The rutu-chicu was a festival 
when a child attained the age of one year and 
received a name. Others came round when a 


boy or girl ceased to be nursed. This event was 
called huarachicu for a boy, and quicuchicu for 
a girl. The greatest festival of the year was at 
harvest time, when the puric hung the fertile stalks 
of maize on the branches of trees, and his family 
sang and danced the ayrihua beneath them. The 
people were taught to worship the sun and the 
heavenly bodies, but the chief trust of the labouring 
classes was in their conopas or household gods, 
representing, as they believed, the essential essences 
of all that they depended upon for their well-being— 
their llamas, their maize, or their potatoes. These 
they prayed to fervently, not forgetting the huacas 
or idols of which there were some in every district, 
and above all never neglecting the ceremonial 
burial of llama idols, with small offerings, in the 
fields, to propitiate the good earth deity. 
""""Tt'proof of the general well-being of the people 
is the large and increasing population. The 
andeneria or steps of terraced cultivation extending 
up the sides of the mountains in all parts of Peru, 
and now abandoned, are silent witnesses of the 
former prosperity of the country. The people 
were nourished and well cared for, and they 
multiplied exceedingly. In the wildest and most 
inaccessible valleys, in the lofty punas surrounded 
by snowy heights, in the dense forests, and in the 
sand-girt valleys of the coast, the eye of the central 
power was ever upon them, and the never-failing 
brain, beneficent though inexorable, provided for 
all their wants, gathered in their tribute, and 


selected their children for the various occupations 
required by the State, accordingjb a . their ocY eral 
apt itudes . """"' 

This was indeed sociahsm such as dreamers 
in past ages have conceived, and unpractical 
theorists now talk about. It existed once because 
the essential conditions were combined in a way 
which is never likely to occur again. These are 
an inexorable despotism, absolute exemption from 
ou tside interfe rence of any kind , a very pecuhar 
and remarkable people in an early stage of civilisa- 
tion, and an extraordinary combination of skilful 

It was destroyed by the Spanish conquest, and 
the world will never see its like again. A few 
of the destroyers, only a very few, could appreciate 
the fabric they had pulled down, its beauty and 
symmetry, and its perfect adaptation to its environ- 
ment. But no one could rebuild it. I The most 
enlightened among the destroyers were the lawyers 
who were sent out to attempt some sort of recon- 
struction — men like Ondegardo, Matienza, and 
Santillan. But they could only think hopelessly 
what Santillan wrote : ' There was much in their 
rule which was so good as to deserve praise and 
be even worthy of imitation/ There were even 
some faint attempts at imitation, but they failed 
utterly, and/ the unequalled fabric disappeared 
for ever./ 



Writers on Peruvian civilisation from the time of Robert- 
son and Prescott have assumed that the whole fabric was 
originated and matured by the Incas, constructed, as it 
were, out of chaos. But a more recent school of thinkers 
has seen the impossibility of such a creation, and holds 
that the Incas systematised tribal and social organisa- 
tions which had existed from remote antiquity, and did 
not create them. 

A very able review of the works of those writers who 
have adopted the opinion that the Incas did not create a 
system, but adapted one which had long been in exist- 
ence, was published at Lima in 1908 — ' El Peru antiguo y 
los modernos sociologos.' The author, Victor Andres 
Belaunde, is thoroughly master of his subject. He first 
explains the conclusions of the German sociologist Cunow, 
in his ' Organisation of the Empire of the Incas — Investiga- 
tions into their Ancient Agrarian Communism/ According 
to Cunow there had existed, from remote antiquity, 
separate groups organised on the same base as the village 
communities of India, and the German mark. These 
were the ayllus. He holds that the ayllus, as village 
communities, existed before the empire of the Incas. The 
Incas respected this ayllu organisation, and all they did 
was to systematise it. Belaunde holds that this hypothesis 
has caused a complete revolution in the manner of con- 
sidering the rule of the Incas. The communistic organi- 
sation did not originate in the constitution of the Inca 
monarchy, but was anterior to it. Communism was not 
here the result of a special political organisation, nor the 
realisation of a plan of state socialism. It was simply the 
result of the union of the numerous ayllus, who thus 


collectively held the land under the domination of the 
most powerful among them. So that Peru is not the proto- 
type of a paternal monarchy. Communism was not im- 
posed by the Incas. It was not a system conceived by 
them, and brought into practice by means of conquests 
and clever alliances. Ancient Peru was not the archetype 
of socialism, but a vast agglomeration of village communi- 
ties. After the publication of CunoVs work there appeared 
' The Evolution of Political Doctrines and Beliefs ' by the 
Belgian sociologist William de Greef, who devotes an 
interesting chapter to Peru. His view is practically the 
same as that of Cunow. 

Belaunde then explains the views of two eminent 
South American writers, Don Bautista Saavedra, a Bolivian, 
and Don Jose de la Biva Aguero, a Peruvian. 

Saavedra in his work ' El Ayllu ' also holds that the 
ayllus, as communities, existed before the rise of the Inca 
empire. Riva Aguero describes the gradual aggregation 
of the constituent tribes. 

Belaunde proceeds to discuss the views of Prescott, 
Lorente, Letourneau, Wiener, D'Orbigny, Desjardins, 
Spencer, and Bandelier, and of the present writer in his 
essay written for Winsor's narrative and critical history of 
America. The earlier writers have not attempted to dis- 
cuss the condition of things previous to the rise of the Incas, 
and Spencer's theories respecting Peruvian civilisation, 
in his great work on sociology, are based on misconceptions 
and inaccurate information. 

The present writer, in the course of hisstudies, was 
gradually approaching the discovery that Peruvian social- 
ism was not a conception of the Incas, but the result of 
much more ancient organisations recognised and adopted 
by the Incas. As will be seen from the present chapter, 
he has practically come to the same conclusions as Cunow 
and others who are in agreement with him, which are so 


admirably summed up by Belaunde in his extremely 
interesting and able review. But at the same time he 
does not consider that this pre-existence of communities 
holding land in common at all detracts from the admiration 
that is due to the government of the Incas. The wisdom 
which led the Incas to respect the institutions of the various 
tribes brought under their rule, and the skill with which 
they adapted those institutions to the requirements of a 
great empire, are evidences of no ordinary statesmanship. 
Their wise policy explains the rapidity of the rise of their 
empire, and the slight resistance to it. 





The official name of the Empire of the Incas was 
Ttahua-ntin-suyu, the word ttahua meaning four, 
ntin a collective plural, and suyu province. 
' The four combined provinces/ with reference 
to the dominions west, north, south, and east of 
the central land of the Incas. The western 
division was called Cunti-suyu, and included the 
country from the Apurimac to the maritime 
cordillera and the coast. Chinchay-suyu was 
the northern division including Huamanca, the 
valley of the Jauja, Haunuco, Caxamarca, as far 
as Quito, with the coast valleys. The Colla-suyu, 
or southern division, was the basin of Lake Titicaca, 
and Charcas, as far as Tucuman, Chile, and the 
valleys of Arequipa, Moquegua, and Tacna. The 
country to the east of the land of the Incas and 
all that was known of the Amazonian forests 
was Anti-suyu. 

From a geographical point of view the Cunti- 
suyu division is formed of three regions west of the 
Apurimac, within the meridians of 70° and 76° W., 



all watered by tributaries of the Apurimac. The 
first lies between the Apurimac and the Pachachaca 
rivers, the second between the Pachachaca and 
the Pampas, and the third includes the maritime 
cordillera between those meridians. They may 
be called, after their chief ayllus or tribes, the 
Quichua, 1 Chanca, and Lucana regions. 

The Quichuas occupied the beautiful valley 
of Apancay, 2 and some valleys in the mountains 
as far as the fortress of Curamba, beyond the 
Pachachaca. Their position is partly defined in 
the account of Tupac's first campaign, when he 
occupied the Quichua strongholds of Tuyara, 3 
Cayara, 4 and Curampa. The Quichuas were very 
closely allied to the Inca people in race, and their 
language was the same. Indeed, the first Spanish 
grammarian of the general language of the Incas 
called it Quichua, probably from having studied 
it in their country. Mossi gives a definition of 
the word from the passive participle of quehuini 
(I twist), which is quehuisca (twisted) and ichu 
(grass), that is quehuisca-ychu (twisted grass), by 
syncope quichua. It came to mean a temperate 
region, neither too hot nor too cold. 

1 Quichua (Khechua, Mossi) means a temperat3 region. For 
derivation Mossi suggests qquehuini (twist), whence qquehuiscca 
(twisted), with Ichu (straw), qquehuiscca ichu (twisted straw), by 
syncope Quichua. 

2 Apani, I carry ; apana, a load ; cay, a particle giving an 
abstract idea. Perhaps the place of loading or of loads. 

3 Tuya, a finch ; rac, even. 
* Ccaya, after, future. 

5 Sarmiento, p. 130. Cu, reflective form ; rampa, a litter. 


The Apancay valley presents scenes of great 
beauty. On the mountain to the south the 
products of almost every clime may be seen at one 
glance. The rapid little river flows along at its 
base, amongst waving maize crops and fruit trees. 
On the steep slopes immediately above there are 
crops of potatoes and other edible roots, then 
pastures on the steep mountain side with rocks 
cropping out, and higher the peaks shooting up 
into the sky. On the other side of Apancay there 
are terraced slopes, and cultivated tracts sloping 
down to the banks of the Pachachaca. Higher 
up the Pachachaca and other tributaries of the 
Apurimac, the mountain gorges and lofty punas 
were inhabited by four ayllus of hardy mountain- 
eers closely allied to the Quichuas. These were 
the Ghumpi-uilcas, Cotapampas, Umasayus, and 
Aymaras. 1 

The beauty of the scenery between the rivers 
Pachachaca and Pampas is most striking as the 
summit ridges are reached, and the eye ranges over 
such valleys and gorges as are presented by 
Angamos, Pincos, and Huancarama. 2 On a grassy 
plateau, commanding the road, is the ancient 
fortress of Curamba, a stronghold of the Quichuas. 
It consists of three terraces, one above the other 
with stone revetments, and a ramp on the east side 

1 Chumpi, a cairn ; uilca, sacred ; cuta, ground ; pampa, 
plain ; uma, head ; sayu, landmark ; ayma, a song ; amy, 

2 Anca, eagle ; ma, let us see ; pincu, roof ; huanca, 
song of women working in the fields; ramca, dream. 


forming a sloping way to each, terrace. There 
were no doubt stockaded defences when it was 
used for operations of war. The great feature of 
this Chanca region is the extensive and fertile 
valley of Andahuaylas, 1 capable of sustaining a 
very large population. There are other fertile 
valleys between Andahuaylas and the river Pampas 
which, like the Apurimac, flows through a gorge 
so profound that the vegetation on the river banks 
is quite tropical. 

Beyond the Pampas, in the valleys formed by 
its tributaries flowing from the maritime Cordillera, 
and on the Pacific slopes, there dwelt two powerful 
mountain tribes called Soras and Lucanas. 2 They 
seem to have been more advanced in civilisation 
than their neighbours, for there are ruins of im- 
portant edifices in the Sora country, called Vilcas- 
huaman. This was a palace of the Incas and their 
principal station in Cunti-suyu, but it existed 
before the annexation, for Montesinos mentions a 
king of Vilcas, and the Soras did not submit 
without making some resistance. Their neigh- 
bours, the Lucanas, occupied both slopes of the 
cordillera. On the Pacific side there is a large 
alpine lake frequented by flamingoes called 
Parihuana-cocha? round the banks of which 
their principal seat appears to have been. Below 
is the lovely coast valley of Nascaf owing its 

1 Anta or Anda, terrace ; huaUa, green, fresh. 

2 Sora, a liquor stronger than chicha ; rucana, finger. 

3 Parihuana, flamingo ; cocha, lake. 
* Nanasca, hurt. 

NASCA 177 

fertility to the most remarkable system of irrigation 
in Peru, which I believe to have been due to the 
skill, intelligence, and industry of the Lucanas. 
These mountaineers were remarkable for their 
strength, as well as for their skill and industry. 
In later times it was their special privilege to 
carry the imperial litter. 

The Nasca valley is one of the most striking 
monuments of Andean civilisation. The fertilising 
water is led from the mountains of Lucanas by sub- 
terraneous channels, built of stone and the height 
of a man. Their origin in the mountains is now 
unknown. The water flows down them perennially, 
and is eventually spread over the valley by smaller 
channels, converting a coast desert into an earthly 
paradise. Pottery of a peculiar design, and believed 
to be of great antiquity, has recently been found 
in the valley of Nasca. 



Chinchay-suyu, the northern division of the 
empire, includes the two great ranges of the Andes, 
and the rich and fertile valleys between them. The 
direction becomes nearly north and south, following 
the trend of the coast, not east and west as in 
Cunti-suyu. The valleys supported very large 
populations, and the mountains were inhabited by 
tribes of hardy mountaineers. 


When the Inca Pachacuti sent the first army 
for the conquest of Chinchay-suyu, it included a 
large contingent of the conquered Chancas, led by 
one of their own chiefs named Anco-ayllu. They 
fought well for the Incas, but their leader chafed 
at his subjection, and incited his men to desert. 
A plot was arranged, and on a day settled before- 
hand the Chanca contingent left the camp and, 
led by Anco-ayllu, they proceeded by forced 
marches into the Amazonian forests. This exodus 
was commenced at a place called Huarac-tampu, 
near Huanuco. They were soon beyond the 
reach of pursuit, and it is believed that they 
settled in valleys along the lower course of the 
Huallaga. They were found there by a Spanish 
expedition in 1556, and a recent traveller has 
suggested that the half-civilised Lamistas, or 
Motilones, on the Huallaga, are their descendants. 
This event made a deep impression on the Inca 
recorders, for it is mentioned by several Spanish 
writers who received their information from the 
native Amautas. 

On marching north from Vilcas-huaman, after 
crossing the deep gorge of the Pampas by a bridge 
of aloe cables, the Inca army entered upon the 
basin of the Jauja river, another tributary of 
the Apurimac. The various streams flowing to the 
Jauja are in the bottoms of deep ravines, while 
the intervening higher lands are fertile and 
produced large crops. To the west the splendid 
maritime Cordillera rises abruptly, and in this part 


the fierce and warlike Morochucos sought for 
pastures and raised edible roots among the giddy 
heights. To the east were the equally imposing 
mountains of Cuntur-cunca, in the rear of which 
the Iquichanos defied invasion. The intervening 
plains and ravines were inhabited by the numerous 
tribe of Pocras, who made a desperate fight for 

The final stand of the Pocras and Morochucos 
was on a slope between two ravines, at the foot of 
the Cuntur-cunca heights. There was a terrible 
slaughter, and the place was ever afterwards called 
the Ayacucho, or ' corner of death/ 1 The remnant 
of Morochucos fled westward to their own moun- 
tains, followed closely by the Inca general, who 
finally encamped on a grassy slope at the foot of the 
first steep ascent. As he sat with his officers 
around him at their evening meal, a falcon soared 
in circles round his head. He threw up a piece of 
llama flesh to it, crying out 'Huaman-ca' (' take 
it, falcon ! ') The tradition was never forgotten, 
and the natives tell it to this day^ The place, 
afterwards the site of a Spanish city, was called 
Huamanca (Gruamanga), in memory of the Inca's 
supper guest. 3 

l At the same place the independence of Peru was won at the 
battle between the Spanish Viceroy and the Colombian General 
Sucre, in 1824. 

3 Morua tells the story differently. He says that the Inca 
Huayna Ccapac, with one of his sons named Huaman, was 
encamped here. The Inca granted the land to his son, saying 

w 2 


Advancing northwards up the Jauja valley, 
the Incas next defeated and brought under sub- 
jection the Huanca nation, which cultivated and 
inhabited that fertile region. In the mountains 
to the westward there were two remarkable tribes, 
the Yauyos and Huarochiris, who appear to have 
descended into the adjacent coast valleys, and to 
have greatly increased their well-being by exchanges 
of products raised in different climes. The Yauyos 
seem to have spread over the valleys of Pisco, 
Chincha, Huarcu (Canete), and Mala ; and in a 
ravine leading up from the Huarcu valley, called 
Runa-huana, there are some interesting ruins, 
referred to in an appendix. According to Garcilasso 
the inhabitants of Huarcu made a very desperate 
resistance to the Inca arms, and this seems to be 
confirmed by the fact that the ruins of an exten- 
sive Incarial fortress and palace, called Hervay, exist 
on a defensive hill close to the sea, flanked by a 
rapid river on one side and the desert on the other. 

The Yauyos spoke a peculiar dialect of their 
own, called Cauqui. Much reduced in numbers and 
living in small villages high up in the mountains, 
there are now not more than 1500 people who still 
speak this dialect. Like the Rucanas and Moro- 
chucos, the Yauyos are an intelligent race, and make 
excellent artificers when any of them have oppor- 
tunities of learning trades in the coast valleys 
which once belonged to them. 

The Huarochiris lived in lofty gorges of the 
maritime Cordilleras to the north of the Yauyos, 


with terrible passes over the snowy heights. But 
the descent on either side gradually led down to 
fairer scenes, on one side to the fertile vale of 
the Jauja, on the other to the coast valleys of 
Chilca, Lurin, and Rimac. The imposing grandeur 
of some of this scenery, contrasted with the peaceful 
beauty of the rest, seems to have been impressed 
on the imaginations of the Huarochiri, and to have 
given rise to a mythology full of quaint legends and 
fables. These will be discussed in the essay on the 
religious beliefs of the coast people. The temple 
to the fish god at Pachacamac attracted pilgrims 
from far and near as a famous oracle, as well as the 
oracle which gave its name to the Rimac valley. 
Both appear to have been due to the highly imagin- 
ative tendencies of those of the Huarochiris who 
settled on the coast. It was a little further north, 
at Pativilca, on the coast, that the more northern 
dominions of the Grand Chimu found its southern 
frontier. But this coast region, between Pativilca 
and the Rimac, seems to have been long in an 
unsettled state. The dwellings of the chiefs who 
occupied the Rimac valley were built on immense 
mounds of great extent, and strongly fortified. 
The mountain tribes of the maritime cordillera are 
quite exceptionally interesting, because the ad- 
vances they had made in civilisation were due 
largely to their occupation of valleys on the coast. 
The Incas received the submission of the 
mountaineers without invading their fastnesses, 
and pressed onwards in their northern conquests. 


They were now an immense distance from their 
base, but their generalship was carefully thought 
out and so sound that they advanced with confi- 
dence to the great lake of Chinchay-cocha and the 
mountain knot of Cerro Pasco, which, like that of 
Vilcanota, connects the eastern Andes with the 
maritime cordillera. The march, be it remembered, 
was not a matter of months, but of years. 

The conquerors now entered another region, 
the basin of the Maranon, and the very remarkable 
formation known as the ' Callejon de Huaras.' 
At Huanuco a great palace was projected and 
afterwards built by Tupac Inca Yupanqui, forming 
eventually the chief seat of Inca government in 
Chinchay-suyu. Among the Conchucos they met 
with a people who had made marked progress in 
the arts, and had taken their own line in the con- 
ception of a religious belief. The Incas passed on 
and, after slight opposition, occupied Caxamarca. 
In another campaign Tupac Inca conquered the 
Paltas, and the turbulent tribe of Canaris, while 
the territories of the great Chimu, in the coast 
valleys, were reduced to subjection. Quito also 
became part of the empire after one decisive battle. 

The greatest proof of the genius of these Inca 
generals is the way in which they changed their 
tactics and methods of warfare as soon as they 
encountered circumstances of which they had 
previously no experience. Tupac Inca was at the 
palace he had caused to be built at Tumipampa, 
in the country of the Canaris, when he heard of 


the riches of Manta, the land of emeralds, and of 
other coast regions. He resolved to explore, and 
to add these countries to the empire. He led his 
army down through the dense forests to the country 
of the Chonos (the modern Guayaquil), constructing 
a road as he advanced. With a hostile country, 
difficulties in arranging for supplies, and the 
extraordinary obstacles caused by the dense vege- 
tation, the enterprise seemed almost hopeless. On 
reaching the banks of the Guayaquil, where it is 
navigable, he found the enemy in a large fleet of 
canoes, while he was without any means of attack- 
ing. But with Tupac Inca there was no such word 
as impossible. Having a very excellent system of 
road-making, and efficient commissariat arrange- 
ments, he was without anxiety about supplies. 
The more insuperable appeared the difficulties 
the more determined he was to overcome them. 
He proceeded to build canoes, and to exercise 
his soldiers as canoe-men until they were fairly 
expert. This occupied several months. He then 
attacked the enemy's fleet, and the manoeuvres 
continued for several days, sometimes one side and 
sometimes the other having command of the river. 
The Incarial soldiers were more accustomed to 
the use of the lance than to naval warfare, so their 
very able general gave orders to grapple and fight 
at close quarters. The result was then no longer 
doubtful, and the Chonos submitted. The Inca 
landed where now stands the city of Guayaquil, 
and after a sojourn of a year he resolved upon the 


conquest of the island of Puna, in the Gulf of 
Guayaquil, assisted by the chiefs of the Chonos, 
who had become his allies. Many canoes were got 
ready, and good pilots were engaged. Here sea- 
manlike skill was needed rather than reliance upon 
numbers. But nothing could resist Tupac's superior 
strategy, and the island was conquered. Most 
generous terms were granted, and a cordial friend- 
ship, cemented by a marriage, was established 
between the Inca and the Puna chiefs. The coast 
provinces of Manta and Esmeraldas, to the north, 
sent in their submission, and the port of Tumbez, 
to the south of the Gulf of Guayaquil, was fixed 
upon as a military station. 

While the Tupac Inca Yupanqui was at Tumbez, 
he received information that, far out in the ocean, 
there were islands called Hahua-chumpi and Nina- 
chumpi, the outer and the fire islands. The Inca 
was a man of lofty ideals, and, as Sarmiento says, 
' he resolved to challenge a happy fortune, and 
try if it would favour him by sea.' This was 
a wonderful expedition, but Sarmiento's account 
is corroborated by Balboa, and I have come to 
the conclusion that the story of the voyage is 
historically true. 

The Incas caused an immense number of balsas 
to be constructed, consisting of inflated seal-skins 
fastened together, and some rafts. He then em- 
barked with a large detachment of his army, 
leaving the main body to await his return at 


Tupac Inca sailed away on this memorable 
voyage of discovery, disappearing below the horizon 
of those who gazed from the hills round Tumbez. 
To them it must have seemed an enterprise as 
appalling as it was unprecedented. If the Inca 
ever returned, his people would be convinced that 
there was nothing he might not do. It is said 
that he reached the islands, and that he was absent 
for nine months. Sarmiento believed that he 
reached the Solomon Islands, but there can be 
little doubt that it was two of the Galapagos 
Islands that the Inca discovered and explored. 
Sarmiento says that he brought back gold, a chair 
of brass, and the skin and jawbone of a horse, 
which were preserved in the fortress at Cuzco. 
It is more likely that the nature of these curiosities 
was not understood, and that they were really 
specimens of the large terrapins and other products 
of the Galapagos Islands. 

The conquest and settlement of Chinchay-suyu 
by the Incas must be looked upon as the greatest 
of their military achievements. It occupied several 
years, and there were a number of campaigns. 
Still, when the immense distances from their base, 
the care and forethought needed to keep the army 
properly supplied, the inaccessible character of a 
great part of the country, and the necessity for 
adapting the troops to very different kinds of 
warfare, often in the face of the enemy, are con- 
sidered, it must be acknowledged that the genius and 
ability of this remarkable race is very striking. The 


voyage of discovery to the Galapagos Islands is 
marvellous. These statesmen and warriors were 
no ordinary conquerors, and they were well fitted 
to rule the vast empire they brought together with 
such extraordinarv skill and determination. 



The basin of Lake Titicaca, the land of the 
mysterious megalithic city, was briefly described in 
the first essay. After the disruption of the ancient 
empire there was a long period of centuries of 
barbarism. The tribes which came to inhabit the 
country round the lake may have been partly 
descendants of subjects of the megalithic kings and 
partly descendants of invaders. They were a 
hardy race of mountaineers, strong and thick-set, 
and capable of enduring great fatigue. Like the 
Incas and Quichuas, they spoke dialects of the 
same original language. 

Of these tribes the Canas were on the crest of 
the water-parting between the Titicaca drainage and 
the Vilcamayu. The Collas occupied the whole 
of the northern half of the Titicaca basin. They 
were the most numerous and powerful of the tribes 
in the Titicaca region. Along the western shores of 
the lake were the Lupacas. The Pacasas occupied 
the eastern side, and to the south were the Pacajes 
and Quill agu as. There was also an almost 


amphibious tribe living among the reeds in the 
south-west angle of Lake Titicaca, called Urus. 
They spoke a language of their own. Another 
language, called Puquina, was spoken in part of 
Colla-suyu. Great invasions from the south are 
recorded, even from Chile, and the tribes of the 
lake basin were practised in mountain fighting. 

The Collas had acquired predominance over the 
other tribes, and early writers give the generic 
name of Collas to them all. It was probably a 
confederacy, with the Colla chief at its head. He 
was becoming very powerful, extending his sway 
over Arequipa and Tacna towards the Pacific, and 
into some of the eastern valleys where coca is 
grown. His chief seat was at Hatun-colla, a few 
miles north-west of the north-western angle of Lake 
Titicaca. Here there are figures carved on stones, 
and some few other vestiges of the former greatness 
of the Colla chief. Just above are the towers or 
chulpas of Sillustani, overlooking a mountain lake. 

The Collas buried their dead in cromlechs con- 
sisting of huge blocks of stone, many of which are 
still extant. Later they built circular towers of 
fine ashlar masonry, vaulted above with a coping 
round the upper part. Some are square. The 
best examples are at Sillustani, near Hatun-colla, 
the probable burial-place of the Colla chiefs. 

Chuchi Ccapac was the name of the great chief 
who haughtily refused to submit to the Inca. He 
had a large force of hardy mountaineers around 
him, inured to hardships, brave, and of fine 


physique. They were concentrated for the defence 
of Hatun-colla, led by Chuchi Ccapac and all the 
chiefs of his confederacy. 

The Collas were constantly making incursions 
down the valley of the Vilcamayu, and were as con- 
stantly driven back over the pass. At last the Inca 
built a wall from the snows of Vilcanota across the 
road to the snows on the western side. The Collas 
agreed that this should be their boundary. But 
they broke the treaty and continued their raids. 
The Inca, therefore, resolved to conquer them. 
Lizarraga says that the remains of the wall 
were still visible in his time, at the point on the 
summit of the pass called La Raya by the 

The Inca Pachacuti assembled a great army, 
crossed the pass of Vilcanota, and advanced across 
the Collao without opposition until he came in 
sight of the enemy's forces drawn up in front of 
Hatun-colla. The proud chief was called upon 
either to serve and obey the Inca or to try his 
fortunes in battle. The reply was that Chuchi 
Ccapac expected the Inca to submit to him, like 
the chiefs of other nations he had conquered. The 
answer concluded with a savage threat. 

The two armies then encountered each other 
in desperate hand-to-hand combats, and the issue 
was for a long time doubtful. The Inca was in 
every part, giving orders, fighting, and animating 
his troops. For a moment there was a pause. The 
slightest thing might have turned the scale. At 


this momentous crisis the Inca shouted a few words 
of encouragement and dashed into the thickest of 
the fight, closely followed by his Orejones. With 
renewed vigour all his troops rallied, and at length 
the gallant enemy turned and fled. Chuchi Ccapac 
was taken prisoner, and Pachacuti entered Hatun- 
colla in triumph. There he remained until all the 
confederate tribes were reduced to submission. An 
Inca viceroy was appointed to govern the Collao, 
with the necessary garrisons, and Pachacuti returned 
to Cuzco. 

Colla-suyu was not, however, to be subdued in 
one campaign. A few years afterwards the sons 
of Chuchi Ccapac escaped, and raised the standard 
of revolt. The confederate tribes rallied round 
them. This time the battle took place further 
north, and the Collas were again defeated with 
great slaughter, near Lampa. Pachacuti returned 
to Cuzco, but two of his very able sons, Tupac 
Ayar Manco and Apu Paucar Usnu, remained to 
pacify the country, and to extend the conquest 
southwards over the countries of the Charcas and 

After the accession of Inca Tupac Yupanqui, 
the Collas rebelled once more to secure their 
freedom. They had constructed four strong places, 
all in the Colla country, to the north of Lake Titi- 
caca, at Llallahua, Asillo, Arapa (on a small lake), 
and Pucara, an isolated rocky mountain rising out 
of the plain to a great height. The Inca generals 
were occupied for several years in reducing these 


fortresses. The final stand was at Pucara, where 
the Collas sustained a crushing defeat. All thoughts 
of further resistance were abandoned. 

The Inca proceeded to include Tucuman and 
Chile in his conquests. A story is told by Monte- 
sinos respecting the Chilian annexation which 
seems quite probable. 

It appears that two Chilian chiefs, who had 
come with a contingent to help the Collas, were 
taken prisoners and sent to Cuzco. They were 
received with great kindness by the Inca, who 
gave them two Pallas, 1 his half-sisters, for their 
wives. They returned to Chile, and had two sons 
by the Inca princesses. In course of time the 
Inca's Chilian nephews proposed a visit to their 
imperial uncle, and arrived at Cuzco with a large 
retinue. They were received by the Inca with 
much love and great rejoicings. They entreated 
their uncle to visit their country, where all desired 
to see him. He consented to do so in the following 
year, and his nephews returned to Chile with many 
Orejones and several Amautas to teach them the 
art of government. But a number of Chilian chiefs 
thought that this friendship with the Inca boded 
no good to them, and they took up arms. The 
nephews, however, defeated them, even before 
the Inca could arrive in Chile, which he did with 
a great army. All the chiefs submitted to him 
and, after two years, he left his nephews in peaceful 
possession as his viceroys. His dominions extended 

i Pallet was a married princess. 


to the river Maule in the south of Chile. Thus 
the empire was more than 2000 miles in length, 
from the river Maule* to Pasto. 

From that time the Collas and Chilians furnished 
valuable contingents to the Inca armies. 

The Inca Tupac Yupanqui saw the necessity 
for establishing permanent tranquillity in the 
Collao by a system of colonisation. Great numbers 
of Collas and Lupacas were sent to colonise the 
charming valleys of Arequipa, Moquegua, and 
Tacna on the west side of the maritime cordillera. 
Others were sent down into the Amazonian valleys 
to the eastward, to cultivate coca and wash for 
gold. Traditions are preserved even now, which 
tell from which district in the Collao the exiles were 
taken, and whither sent. The conquest of the Collao 
was of immense importance, because it was the only 
source of tin for their bronze weapons and tools, 
and the principal source of gold from Caravaya. 

Tupac Inca was deeply impressed by the vast 
ruins at Tiahuanacu, of unknown origin, by the 
beauties of the great lake, and of the sun rising 
over the snowy peaks of Illimani and Illampu. 
He caused a palace to be built on the island of 
Coati, in the lake, with baths and gardens. A 
number of Orejones remained in 'the Collao to 
carry on the administration, and emigrants arrived 
to take the places of the exiled Collas and Lupacas. 

These emigrants were chiefly Quichuas of 
various tribes from Cunti-suyu. A number of 
Aymaras, from the head- waters of the Pachachaca, 


were settled among the remaining Lupacas at 
Juli on the west coast of the lake, where the 
languages of the two races appear to have got 
considerably mixed. In about 1572 the Jesuits 
settled at Juli, and had a printing-press there, and 
here they learnt the language of the Lupacas from 
the Aymara emigrants, who gave them many 
Quichua words, for they seem to have used words 
of both languages in their conversations. This 
explains the reason why the Jesuits gave the 
name of ' Aymara ' to the language of the Collao. 
Ludovico Bertonio was at Juli from 1590 to 1612, 
and before he arrived the Jesuits had given the 
name of ' Aymara ' to what Bertonio calls esta lengua 
Lupaca. He published his ' Arte y Gramatica ' 
of ' Aymara ' at Home in 1603, and a second 
edition, with a dictionary, at Juli in July 1612. 
Torres Rubio followed with a grammar and voca- 
bulary of ' Aymara ' in 1616. The word ' Aymara ' 
is now generally, but very erroneously, applied to 
the language and people of the basin of Lake 



The chain of the eastern Andes is penetrated by 
five great rivers, which unite to form the ' mighty 
Orellana.' They flow northwards until they unite, 
and then flow eastward in one majestic stream to 


the Atlantic. The Amazonian basin which they 
traverse consists of millions of square miles of 
virgin forest. The first river is the Maranon, and 
being the most western and distant its source in the 
Andean lake of Lauricocha is considered to be the 
source of the Amazon. Next is the river Huallaga, 
flowing north until it joins the Maranon. Further 
to the east the great Ucayali tributary is formed by 
the Perene, Apurimac, and Vilcamayu, which all 
force a way through the Andes. Further south the 
Tono, Arasa, Inambari, Tambopata, and Beni rise 
on the eastern slopes of the Andes and do not 
penetrate the range. With the Mamore and Itenez 
they form the great Madeira tributary. The 
rivers which have part of their courses within the 
Andean system, all have formidable rapids when 
they force their way through the mountains and 
enter the great Amazonian plains. These mountain 
rapids were called puncu,, or doors, which the rivers 
had opened by their irresistible force. That of 
the Maranon is called the Puncu de Manseriche. 
On the Huallaga the rapid is known as the Salto 
de Aguirre, respecting which there is an interesting 
tradition : then the river is navigable for 160 miles. 
The Ucayali, a broad stream navigable for 1400 
miles, breaks through the mountains at Cancha- 
guayo. The Vilcamayu, navigable for 100 miles, 
enters the primeval forests by the Puncu de 

The vast Amazonian forests are approached by 
the descent of the eastern side of the Andes, down 


gorges and ravines which present magnificent 
scenery, the long spurs being covered with the 
richest tropical vegetation to their summits. Here 
are seen the lovely chinchona trees with their red- 
veined glossy leaves, and panicles of white flowers 
with pink lacinise, emitting a delicious fragrance. 
Here, too, are many species of Melastomas, especially 
the Lasiandra with its purple flowers and triple- 
veined leaves. But the flowering trees and bushes 
are innumerable, and above the thick foliage are 
seen the feathery fronds of palm trees. From the 
loftier mountains waterfalls may be seen in rapid 
descent until they are lost to view behind the 
dense vegetation ; some in sheets of spray, others 
like films of lace, but most in a solid volume of 
moving water, all glittering when the clouds open 
and the sun throws its rays upon them. These 
are scenes of unsurpassed loveliness. But in the 
plains below the view is obstructed by the vegetation 
growing in dense masses beneath the lofty trees. 
Only on the river banks there are beautiful views 
formed by long vistas of tropical vegetation. 

It was to the forests eastward of Cuzco that 
the Incas first turned their attention. To the 
east of the valley of the Vilcamayu the range of 
the Andes is cut laterally by the Yanatilde valley, 
and further east by the long valley through which 
the river Paucartampu flows. Both the Yanatilde 
and Paucartampu flow north to join the Vilca- 
mayu, though their previously unknown courses 
were only traced, for the first time, a very few years 


ago. From the last range of the Andes, on the 
east side of the Paucartampu river, the descent 
is rapid into the montana, as the tropical forests 
are called by the Spaniards. The forests were 
very scantily inhabited by wild Indians who 
wandered about, some in canoes as fishermen, 
some hunting with bows and arrows or the pucuna 
(blowpipe). A few had some affinity with the 
people of the Andes, but the great majority of the 
Amazonian tribes were of a different race. 

The subjugation of the parts of the montana 
nearest to the foot of the Andes was a matter of 
great importance to the Incas. In the tropical 
valleys the coca plantations were formed and 
every Peruvian chewed coca. From the montana 
also came supplies of bamboo, of wood of the 
chonta palm for their weapons, other timber for 
building, plumes for head-dresses, and the principal 
supplies of gold. 

The campaign of Tupac Inca Yupanqui for 
the conquest of Anti-suyu was, like all his warlike 
operations, masterly in design and bold in execution. 
The long valley of Paucartambo, at the foot of the 
last ridge of the Andes, formed a convenient base 
where the three columns, forming the army of 
Anti-suyu, was to assemble. The Inca himself 
started from a place in the valley called Ahua-tuna, 
descending into the forest by the lovely ravine of the 
Chiri-mayu. The central column under Prince Utu- 
runcu Achachi, the Inca's brother, was at a place 
called Amaru, the modern town of Paucartampu. 

o 2 


It was to enter by the route now called ' Tres 
Cruces.' A captain named Chalco Yupanqui led 
the right column from the Pilcopata or ' garland 
hill.' At the same time the montana of Marcapata, 
to the south, was to be invaded by Apu-ccuri- 
machi with a fourth column. 

The three columns in the Paucartambo valley 
were to start at the same time on converging lines, 
to form a junction at Opotari in the forest, about 
twelve miles from the foot of the mountains. The 
inhabitants, who belonged to the tribe called 
Campas or Antis, submitted at once, and the 
settlement called Abisca, for the cultivation of 
coca, was formed near the river Tono. The Inca 
then began to make a road through the dense forest 
in order to reach the settlements of the next tribe. 
Tall trees were climbed to seek out the positions 
of inhabited places by the smoke rising over the 
trees. The troops suffered from the change of 
climate, and from the toil of hewing out the road. 
There was much sickness and many died. At one 
time the Inca, with a third of the troops, lost his 
way and wandered about for many days until, at 
last, they fell in with the column of Uturuncu, who 
put them on the route. The combined forces 
then descended the river Tono. 

The final result of the campaign was that three 
branches of the Campas, a tribe of fine muscular 
men and beautiful women, submitted and became 
subjects of the Inca. These were the Opataris, 
the Manaris, called also Yana-simis or ' black 


mouths,' and the Chunchos. The submission 
included a vast tract of forest, yielding valuable 
timber, and with land suitable for coca plantations. 
The Mafiaris were also met with on the lower 
reaches of the river Vilcamayu, and in the montana 
beyond the Vilcapampa mountains, and they 
always remained friendly to the Incas. Further 
north there was a fierce and hostile tribe called 

The Marcapata column led by Apu-ccuri-machi 
marched eastward to the Inambari, and advanced 
as far as a river called Paytiti, where their leader 
set up the frontier pillars of the Inca. Uturuncu 
was left to complete the conquest, aided by detach- 
ments of colonists who made clearings for coca 
plantations, and collected chonta poles and other 
products. Most of the settlements were round 
Abisca, and in the basin of the river Tono ; but 
there were others on the banks of the Vilcamayu 
and in Marcapata. 

After the conquest of Colla-suyu the forests of 
the province of Caravaya also became a great source 
of wealth to the Incas. Large numbers of Collas 
were sent down into the beautiful valleys to grow 
fruit trees and cultivate the coca plant, as well 
as to work and wash for gold. Indeed, it was 
principally from Caravaya that the immense 
quantities of gold came which were used for vases 
and other utensils, for adorning the temples and 
idols, for the imperial thrones and litters, for 
ornamenting the rich dresses, and for many other 


purposes. Much, gold also came from the rich 
valleys whose rivers unite to form the Beni. 

Further south there were some fierce and 
savage tribes in the forests of the ' Gran Chacu,' or 
great hunting ground. Among these the most 
troublesome were the Chirihuanas, who were said 
to have been cannibals. They were always hostile, 
and even had the audacity to make incursions 
into the higher lands of Charcas. 

On the river Huallaga the remnant of the 
Chancas took refuge, and the ancestors of the 
existing Amazonian tribe of Mayorunas are said 
to have fled before the Chancas to settle lower 
down the course of the great river. The present 
Huallaga tribes of Cholones and Motilones, or 
Lamistas, may be descendants of the Chancas. 
The Incas occupied Gfrachapoyas in the basin of 
the Maranon. An expedition is recorded, sent 
by the Inca Huayna Ccapac to the country of 
the Cofanes, a tribe in the forests of the river 
Napo to the east of Quito. A story is also told 
by Montesinos of some Orejones having found 
their way thence by the waterways and through 
the dense forests to Cuzco, a voyage which occupied 
several years. It was certainly a most remarkahle 
achievement if true, and considering the energy 
and intelligence of these people I can see no sufficient 
reason for doubting the truth of the story. 

The wisdom of the Incas is well shown in their 
policy with regard to the region of Amazonian 
forests. They made no useless raids or expeditions, 


but worked with, the distinct object of securing 
advantages for the empire. From their montaria 
settlements, quite sufficiently supplied with labour, 
they received gold in large quantities, coca which 
was almost a necessary of life for their people, 
timber for building, wood of the chonta palm 
for lances and other weapons, bamboos, plumes 
of feathers, fruit, and medicinal herbs, gums, and 
resins. In return the colonists received meat 
and potatoes, maize, clothing, salt and other 
condiments. The forests of the tnontana formed 
a part, and no unimportant part, of the great 
system of Incarial administration. 



The coast of Peru was a late conquest of the Incas. 
It contained distinct civilisations, that to the north, 
especially, presenting historical and philological 
problems as yet unsolved. Its physical aspects 
are unique and extremely interesting. They de- 
mand attention before considering the little that 
is known of the ancient people inhabiting this 
wonderful region in ages long past. 

A strip of land, averaging a width of from 
20 to 60 miles, extends from 4° to 20° S. or 
upwards of 1500 miles between the maritime 
cordillera and the Pacific Ocean. It has been up- 
raised from the sea at no very remote period. The 
same shells as exist in the present ocean are mingled 
with the remains of man. Corn-cobs and cotton 
twine were found by Darwin at a height of 85 
feet above the sea. 1 This upheaval must have taken 
place at a time not only when man was occupying 
the land, but when there already existed an agri- 
cultural community raising maize and cotton crops. 

The Peruvian coast is practically a rainless 
region, and the reason for this phenomenon 
attracted the attention of most of the early writers. 

l On the island of San Lorenzo, forming the Callao anchorage. 


Acosta is very hazy on the subject. Cieza de 
Leon comes nearer the true cause, which is of course 
due to the height of the Andes. For the south-east 
trade-wind blows obliquely across the Atlantic 
Ocean until it reaches the coast of Brazil, heavily 
laden with moisture. It continues to carry this 
moisture across the continent, depositing it as it 
proceeds, and filling the tributaries and sources 
of the Amazon and La Plata. Eventually this 
trade-wind reaches the snow-capped mountains of 
the Andes, and the last particle of moisture is wrung 
from it that the very low temperature can extract. 
Meeting with no evaporating surface and with no 
temperature colder than that to which it was sub- 
jected on the mountain tops, the trade wind reaches 
the Pacific Ocean before it again becomes charged 
with fresh moisture. The last drop it has to spare 
is deposited as snow on the tops of the mountains. 
It reaches the coast region as a perfectly dry wind. 
Yet the coast atmosphere is not absolutely dry. 
There is intense heat and a clear sky from November 
to April, but in May the scene changes. A thin 
mist arises which increases in density until October, 
rising in the morning and dispersing at about 
3 p.m. It becomes fine drizzling rain called 
garua. This garua extends from the seashore 
to near the mountains, where rain commences, 
the line between the garua and the rain region 
being distinctly marked. There are even estates 
where one half the land is watered by garuas, the 
other half by rain. But the prevailing aspect 


of the coast is a rainless desert traversed, at 
intervals, by fertile valleys. 

The climate of the coast is modified and made 
warmer by another agency. Not only is the 
constantly prevailing wind from the south, there 
is also a cold current always flowing with a tem- 
perature several degrees lower than that of the 
surrounding ocean. It is believed by some to 
be derived from the Antarctic regions, by others 
that it is formed by cold water in the depths rising 
to the surface. Be this how it may, the Humboldt 
current, as it has been called since 1802, profoundly 
affects the climate of the Peruvian coast, which 
is cooler and drier than any other tropical region. 

Although the greater part of the coast region 
consists of desert or of arid and stony ranges 
of hills, it is watered by rivers which cross the 
desert at intervals and form fertile valleys of 
varying width. The deserts between the river 
valleys vary in extent, the largest being upwards 
of seventy miles across. On their western margin 
steep cliffs rise from the sea, above which is the 
desert plateau, apparently quite bare of vegetation. 
The surface is generally hard, but on some of 
the deserts there are great accumulations of drifting 
sea sand. This sand forms isolated hillocks, called 
medanos, in the shape of a crescent, beautifully 
symmetrical, with sharp ridges, and their convex 
sides turned towards the trade-wind. Any stone 
or dead mule forms a nucleus for them ; but they 
are constantly shifting, and a strong wind causes 


an immense cloud of sand, rising to a hundred 
feet and whirling in all directions. When at rest 
the medanos vary in height from eight to twenty 
feet, with a sharp crest, the inner side perpendicular 
and the outer with a steep slope. Scattered over 
the arid wilderness they form intricate labyrinths, 
and many a benighted traveller has lost his way 
among them and perished with his mule, after 
wandering for days. Such unfortunates form 
nuclei for new medanos. At early dawn there are 
musical sounds in the desert. They are caused 
by the eddying of grains of sand in the heated 
atmosphere on the sharp crests of the medanos. 
Apparently the coast deserts of Peru are 
destitute of all vegetation. As far as the eye 
can reach there is a desolate waste. Yet two or 
three kinds of plants do exist. The smaller 
medanos are capped with snowy white patches, 
contrasting with the greyish white which is the 
colour of the sand. This whiteness is caused by 
innumerable short cylindrical spikes of an amaranth. 
Its stems originate in the ground beneath the 
medano, ramify through it, and go on growing 
so as to maintain their heads just above the mass 
of sand. The two other herbs of the desert are 
species of yuca which form edible roots, but 
maintain a subterranean existence for years, only 
producing leafy stems in the rare seasons when 
moisture penetrates to their roots. Near the foot 
of the mountains are the tall branched cacti. 
When the mists set in, the lomas, or chains of 


hillocks, near the coast undergo a complete change. 
As if by a stroke of magic blooming vegetation over- 
spreads the ground, which is covered with pasture 
and wild flowers, chiefly compositse and crucifers. 
But this only lasts for a short time. Generally the 
deserts present a desolate aspect, with no sign of 
vegetation or of a living creature. In the very loftiest 
regions of the air the majestic condor may perhaps 
be seen floating lazily, the only appearance of life. 

Imagine the traveller, who has wearily toiled 
over many leagues of this wild and forbidding region, 
suddenly reaching the verge of one of the river valleys. 
The change is magical. He sees at his feet a broad 
expanse covered with perpetual verdure. Kows and 
clumps of palms and rows of willows show the lines 
of the watercourses. All round are fruit gardens, 
fields of maize and cotton, while woods of algaroba 
fringe the valley and form one of its special features. 

The algaroba (Prosopis horrida) is a prickly 
tree rarely exceeding forty feet in height, with 
rugged bark and bipinnate foliage. The trunks 
never grow straight, soon become fairly thick, 
and as their roots take little hold of the friable 
earth, they fall over into a reclining posture, 
and immediately begin to send off new roots in 
every part of the trunk in contact with the soil. 
They thus assume a twisted and fantastic appear- 
ance, more like gigantic corkscrews than trees. 
The algaroba has racemes of small yellowish green 
flowers which nourish multitudes of small flies and 
beetles, and they in their turn supply food to flocks 


of birds, most of them songsters. The flowers are 
followed by pendulous pods, six to eight inches long, 
containing several thin seeds immersed in a mucila- 
ginous spongy substance which is the nutritive part. 
The timber is very hard and durable, and also makes 
excellent firewood. With the algardba there are 
bushes, sometimes growing into trees, of vichaya 
(Capparis crotonoides), a tree called zapote del 
perro (Colicodendrum scabridum), and an Apocynea, 
with bright green lanceolate leaves, and clusters of 
small white flowers. Near the roots of the cordillera 
the vegetation becomes more dense and varied. 

The fertile valleys of the coast vary in extent 
and in the supply of water they receive. Some 
rivers have their sources beyond the maritime 
range, and the flow is abundant and perennial. 
Others are less well supplied. Others, with sources 
in the maritime cordillera, are sometimes dry, 
and the supply of water is precarious. 

Altogether there are forty-four coast valleys x 
along the 1400 miles of Peruvian sea-board, and, 
with reference to the study of the former history 
of the country, they may be divided into three 
sections. The twenty northern valleys include 
the territory of the Grand Chimu, whose history 
is still shrouded in mystery. The central twelve 
formed the dominions of the Chincha confederacy, 

l Von Tschudi gives the number at fifty-nine, adding fifteen to 
the forty-four. But he must have included ravines with water- 
courses almost always dry, such as Asia, the quebredas of Pescadores 
and Manga, Pisagua, Tacama, Mexillones, and Loa ; as well as 
branches of main rivers, such as Macara, Quiros and Somata, tribu- 



and the southern twelve were only peopled by 
mitimaes in later times, though there was a scanty 
aboriginal fishing population. 

Valleys of the 

Valleys of the 

Valleys in the 


Chinoha confederacy 


i 1 Tumbez 

1 21 Chancay 

1 33 Acari 

i 2 Chira 

1 22 Carabayllo 

34 Atequipa 

i 3 Piura 

i 23 Kimac 

3 35AticoYauca 

1 4 Motupe 

2 24 Lurin 

1 36 Ocofia 

or Leche 

i 25 Mala 

i 37 Majes 

1 5 Lambayeque 

1 26 Huarcu 

38 Vitor 

2 6 Eten 

3 27 Tupara 

1 39 Tambopalla 

2 7 Sana 

i 28 CMncha 

40 Ylo 

1 8 Pacasmayu 

1 29 Pisco 

1 41 Locumba 

1 9 Chicama 

i 30 Yea 

i 42 Sama 

i 10 Muchi 

i 31 Eio Grande 

1 43 Tacna 

a 11 Vim 

2 32 Nasca 

1 44 Azapa 

2 12 Chao 

i 13 Santa 

3 14 Nepefia 

1 Pativilca 

2 15 Casma 

3 16 Culebra 

2 17 Huarmay 

2 18 Parmunca 

19 Huaman 

1 20 Huara 

3 Supe 

taries of the Chira ; Cinto and Tuquene, Ingenio, Palpa, and Chimpa, 
tributaries of the Rio Grande. These, with the forty-four irrigated 
valleys, would make fifty -nine. VonTsohudi does not give the names. 

1 Sources within the region of regular annual rains. 

a Rivers with affluents within the rain region. 

3 Sources outside the regular rains. 



One of the most difficult problems in the study of 
the American races is the origin and history of 
the civilised people in the northern coast valleys 
of Peru. Here we find ruins of vast extent with 
evidence of artistic skill and somewhat florid taste, 
systems of irrigation on a gigantic scale and 
planned with marvellous skill, every square foot 
of ground carefully cultivated. Writing of the 
Chira to the north, Mr. Spruce says that there 
are ancient aqueducts all the way down the valley 
from near its source. Water is conducted across 
ravines and along the faces of steep declivities. 
There was also provision for collecting rain water 
in the anos de aquas by canals along the base of 
the Mancora hills and cliffs of the valleys, and for 
storing it in reservoirs made by throwing strong 
dikes across the outlets of ravines. The whole 
valley was then under cultivation with a dense 
population, proved by the miMings sometimes miles 
in extent, strewn with fragments of shells and 
pottery. The richly embossed walls, the gold and 
silver work, the astonishing versatility in the 



infinite variety of their pottery, and the patterns 
of their cotton cloths, all point to a race which 
had reached a high state of civilisation. A 
grammar, composed by a descendant of one of 
Pizarro's followers over a century after the Spanish 
conquest, has preserved some knowledge o'f their 
otherwise lost language, but of their history we 
know absolutely nothing. We only learn from 
the Spanish historians of the Incas that the 
sovereign of the coast people, called by them the 
Grand Chimu, was subdued by the Incas about 
four generations before the Spaniards came, and 
that he possessed great riches. Nothing more. 
There is only ,one tradition preserved, and that 
does not refer to the Chimu, but to his feudatories 
in the Lambayeque valley. 

The kernel of the Chimu problem is in the ruins 
between the Spanish town of Truxillo and the shores 
of the Pacific Ocean. Here the Chicama and 
Muchi rivers combine to form a wide extent of 
cultivable land, which is situated in the centre 
of the northern coast valleys, having eight on the 
north and eight on the south side of it. 1 The 
vast extent of the ruins shows that this was the 

North \ 


l South 








Motupe or Leohe 

h Chicama, Viru, i 



and Muchi 






Pacasmayu ' 



centre of the Chimu's power. The people were 
perhaps known to themselves as Muchcen, from 
the river which supplied water to their capital, 
or possibly Nofcen, their word for a man. Their 
language was Muchica. 

The great Chimu ruins were first described, in 
any detail, by Don Mariano E. Kivero in his 
' Antiguedades Peruanas,' then by Squier, and 
more recently by the French traveller Wiener. 
Of these accounts that of Squier's is the most 
accurate and intelligent. It must be understood 
that, owing to the elaborate and complicated 
arrangement of rooms, passages and enclosures, 
and to the destruction that has taken place in the 
search for treasure, an intelligible description, even 
with plans, is exceedingly difficult. 

We may picture to ourselves a vast fertile 
plain, at least ninety miles long from south to north, 
watered by the three rivers Chicama, Mansiche, 
and Viru, and bounded on one side by the Andes 
and on the other by the Pacific Ocean. In the 
centre, but bordering on the seashore, was the 
great city of the Chimu, surrounded by highly 
cultivated, land sustaining a dense population. 
An effective system of irrigation was essential for 
the cultivation of this extensive area and for the 
existence of the people in the city. An aqueduct 
took off the water of the Muchi river high up among 
the mountains. It was carried across the valley 
on a lofty embankment of stones and earth sixty 
feet in height, the channel being lined with stones. 


On the slope overlooking the ruined city the 
water is distributed through smaller channels over 
the plain, and into the numerous reservoirs in the 
city. A lofty wall of great thickness extended 
for miles along the eastern or inland borders of the 
city, and within it were extensive gardens each 
with its irrigating channel. 

The ruins of this unique city now consist of 
labyrinths of walls forming great enclosures, each 
containing many buildings, with here and there 
gigantic mounds. These mounds or pyramids 
are the most marvellous features of the ruins. 
The huaca or mound called ' Obispo ' by the 
Spaniards is built of stones, rubble, and adobes, 
covers an area of 500 square feet, and is 150 feet 
high. Another was called ' Toledo/ in which 
great treasure was found. The excavator, Garcia 
de Toledo, in 1577, dug out gold to the amount of 
278,174 castellanos-de oro, 1 of which 61,622 were paid 
as the royal fifths. Excavations were continued at 

l The castellano de oro and peso de oro were the same (the 
commercial value being £2 12s. 6d.), equal to 490 silver maravedis, 
or 14 reals 14 maravedis. Altogether treasure worth £5,500,000 
is recorded. . 

The amounts are derived from the records of the King's fifths, 
preserved in the municipal books of Truxillo, which were destroyed 
by the Chilians. Fortunately Mr. Blackwood had previously made 
extracts, and he gave copies to Mr. Hutchinson, H.M. Consul 
at Callao. See his Two Years in Peru, ii. p. 154. A certain 
Colonel La Rosa was excavating in Squier's time, and had obtained 
$30,000 worth of gold. 

M. Clemencin wrote an essay on the value of money in the 
time of Ferdinand and Isabella (Memorias de Acad. Hist, de Madrid, 
vol. vi.), quoted by Prescott, i. p. 25 n. 


intervals. In 1797 the treasure called Peje chico 
was secured. The Peje grande has yet to be found. 
Altogether millions have been obtained in gold 
ornaments or bars. The mounds are honeycombed 
with passages leading to store-houses or sepulchral 

The great mounds presented a very different 
appearance in the time of the Chimu. Originally 
they were in terraces, on which buildings were 
erected with pitched roofs, and tastefully painted 
walls. Verandahs, supported by the twisted stems 
of algaroba trees, afforded shade, and there were 
communications with the interior passages and 
chambers. From the seashore these structures, 
with gardens at their bases, must have presented 
a magnificent effect. 

The principal palace has been well described 
by Squier. Imagine a great hall 100 feet 
long by 52J wide, with walls covered with 
an intricate series of arabesques, consisting of 
stucco patterns in relief on a smooth surface. 
The walls contain a series of niches with the 
arabesque work running up between. The end 
wall is pierced by a door leading to corridors and 
passages in the pyramidal mounds. One corridor 
leads to a place where there was a furnace for 
metallurgic work, near a walled-up closet full of 
vessels and utensils of gold and silver. 

There is a low, broad mound at a distance of a 
hundred yards from the palace, which has been 
excavated and proved to be a cemetery. There 

F 2 


were mummies in niches elaborately clothed and 
plumed, with gold and silver ornaments on the 
dresses of fine cotton cloth. The patterns, woven 
into the cloth and coloured, are birds striking the 
heads of lizards or seizing fish. In the centre there 
is a structure sixteen feet square and twelve high, 
with entrances at each end, leading to a space ten 
feet by five, with a series of platforms on either side. 
Here, no doubt, the funeral rites were performed. 

The two most remarkable structures among the 
ruins are called palaces by Bivero, and factories 
by Squier. They are surrounded by exterior 
walls of adobes on foundations of stone and clay, 
five feet thick and thirty in height. One factory 
is 500 yards by 400. An entrance leads to an open 
square with a reservoir in the centre, faced with 
stone, sixty feet long by forty. Round the square 
there are twenty-two recesses, probably shops 
opening upon it, and at one end a terrace with 
three rooms leading from it. This square, with its 
reservoir, appears to have been the market-place. 
There are six minor courts, and streets or passages 
with many rooms opening upon them. Of these 
rooms there are no less than 111, with walls twelve 
feet high and high-pitched roofs. The objects of 
these extraordinary buildings were very puzzling. 
They were certainly not palaces, as Bivero supposed. 
Squier 's conjecture is no doubt the correct one. 
They were busy factories, hives of industry. Here 
were the workers in gold, silver and bronze, the 
designers, the dyers, the potters, and the weavers. 


It must have taken many generations, nay centuries, 
for these busy modellers and designers to reach 
the high standard displayed in their best metal 
and clay work, and in their cotton fabrics. 

The most frequent ornaments are fish, lizards, 
serpents, a long-legged bird, a bird devouring a fish. 
The ornament of the head-dress of chiefs was like 
an inverted leather-cutter's knife, as Squier de- 
scribes it, with plumes, and diadems of gold and 
silver. The golden cups and vases were very thin, 
with the ornaments and figures struck from the 
inside. Gold ornaments on the dresses were also 
frequent. Mr. Spruce describes a series of plates, 
almost like a lady's muslin collar in size and shape, 
covered with figures. On one of them there were 
nearly a hundred figures of pelicans. Every figure 
represents the bird in a different attitude, and, as 
they have been stamped, not engraved, a separate 
die must have been used for each figure. Silver 
vases and cups were of various shapes, sometimes 
modelled into the form of a man's head. Silver 
lizards, fishes, and serpents were sewn on the dresses 
as ornamental borders. 

The most astonishing work of the northern 
coast people was their modelling and painting in 
clay. The prevailing colours of their vases were 
white, black, and a pale red, the designs being 
painted, in various colours, on a white ground. 
A great number are double, some quadruple, and 
a prevailing feature is the double spout. It is 
not too much to say that not only the fauna and 


flora of the coast, but also the manners and customs 
of the people, are depicted or modelled on their 
vases. There are met with various kinds of fruits 
and vegetables, shells, fish, lizards, deer, monkeys, 
parrots and other birds, and a sea-lion with a fish 
in its mouth. In short, there are countless 
varieties of forms and combinations, hardly two 
specimens alike. By far the most interesting are 
the human heads. Some are almost majestic, and 
are evidently portraits. Others show the face dis- 
torted in pain, others smiling or singing, some 
with a rapt expression as in a trance. There 
are also figures playing on musical instruments, 
others spinning. Some vases represent a human 
hand, others a foot showing how sandals were 
worn. Architecture, the arts, customs, and 
religious ideas are depicted. Squier describes 
one scene of a chief seated in the verandah of a 
house with a high-pitched roof, raised on four 
terraces. The chief has a plumed head-dress, a 
lance in one hand and a drinking-cup in the other. 
A long procession is approaching, with persons 
singing and playing on cymbals, tambourines, 
Pandean-pipes, and trumpets of clay. Another 
vase has a foot-race painted round it. There is 
another showing a combat between a serpent- 
warrior and a crab-warrior, perhaps a legend of 
a contest between land and sea. There is a vase 
with winged figures, and another very remarkable 
one, in the British Museum, of a winged warrior 
in the act of flying. 


Another very striking group of Chimu works 
of art are the silver models cast in a single piece. 
Squier mentions a man and woman in a forest, 
the trees being like algarobas ; also a child in a 
hammock swinging between two trees, and a 
serpent crawling up one, below a kettle by a fire 
of sticks. These can only have been intended as 
ornaments for rooms, but it is a mystery how they 
can have been cast without wax. Doubtless there 
was a substitute of some kind. 

Warlike implements were lances, darts, and 
clubs fitted with bronze stars. Warriors carried 
an oblong shield of thick matting. Vast numbers 
of tools and agricultural implements in bronze have 
been found. There are chisels of various sizes with 
sockets for handles, hoes curved and flat, and 

Their textile fabrics were very fine and marked 
in a variety of patterns, for the coast people 
cultivated an indigenous cotton, the staple of 
which is unequalled for length combined with 
strength. Occasionally the cotton plants pro- 
duced a boll of a rich nankin colour which was 
specially valued. The weavers had various dyes 
for the patterns on their fabrics, and produced 
tunics and cloaks of great fineness and beauty, 
often almost covered with thin gold and silver 
plates, with borders of blue and yellow feathers. 

We conclude from the ruins of their buildings, 
their works of art, and the vast treasure that has 
been found, that the Chimu kept a court of 


extraordinary magnificence, and that his subjects, 
though working hard, lived in abundance and 

There is only one account of the religion of 
these people, written by Antonio de la Calancha, 
in his ' Coronica Moralizada del Orden de San 
Agustin/ l Calancha was prior of the Augustines 
at Truxillo in 1619, eighty years after the Spanish 
conquest, when traditions still lingered among the 
people. He says that the Chitnu worshipped the 
moon, called Si, as the principal god, because it 
ruled the elements and caused the tempests. The 
temple of the moon was called Si An. They held 
that the moon was more powerful than the sun 
because the latter did not appear in the night, 
while the moon appears both by day and night. 
Sacrifices were offered to the moon, consisting, on 
great occasions, of children wrapped in coloured 
cloths, with chicha and fruits. Devotion was also 
shown to some of the stars. The ocean, called Ni, 
received worship and, apparently, sacrifices ; as 
well as the earth, Vis. Prayers were offered up 
to one for fish, and to the other for good harvests, 
with offerings of flour of white maize. Certain rocks 
were also objects of veneration, called Alespong. 

The Si An, or temple of the moon, was to the 
south, near the banks of the river Muchi. It is a 
rectangular structure, 800 feet by 470, covering 
seven acres, with a height of 200 feet. It is built 
of large adobes. It consists of a level area 400 feet 

l Lib. II. cap. xi. p. 371 ; cap. xxxv. p. 484. Lib. III. cap. i. 
pp. 545, 552, 556. 


by 350, and 100 feet above the plain, beyond 
which rises a pyramid of nine stages or terraces, 
200 feet square. On the other side of the 
pyramid, which is the highest part, there is a 
platform 80 feet lower, and another lower still. 
The mass of adobes is probably solid. 1 Here 
were performed the great religious ceremonies. 
The gorgeous processions issued from the palace 
and proceeded to the temple of the moon. There 
were the musicians with their instruments, the 
minstrels and singers, the warriors with their long 
lances and plumed head-dresses showing distinctive 
ranks, the priests and courtiers, and the Chimu 
himself in his Utter, wearing the jewelled diadem 
and clothed in robes of fine cotton covered with 
gold plates, and bordered with fringes of bright- 
coloured feathers. 

Calancha tells us that the physicians, called 
Oquetlupuc, effected their cures with herbs, and 
were much venerated, but their punishment, when 
a patient died owing to their neglect or ignorance, 
was death. He gives us no details respecting 
their cemeteries and methods of sepulture, although 
this is a most important point. Like the Incas, 
the Chimus thought it a sacred duty to preserve 
the bodies of the deceased as mummies, and to 
bury with them their most valued possessions. To 
this practice we owe the discovery of so many 
hundreds of specimens of their beautiful works of 

1 Passages and chambers are supposed to exist, and it is said 
that there is a vault containing the body of the mightiest of the 
Chimu princes, and the Peje grande. 


art. Quite recently Mr. Myring has discovered a 
great cemetery at the foot of the mountains above 
the Chicama valley, and has brought to England 
a magnificent collection of pottery and of gold and 
silver ornaments. The islands off the coast, called 
Guanape 1 and Macabi, were looked upon as sacred 
cemeteries, and had been so used for more than 
a thousand years. Besides pottery and other works 
of art, numerous mummies have been found at 
various depths, 2 all females, and all headless. It 
would seem that they were the victims of sacrifices 
in remote times. 

Cemeteries have been found in all parts of the 
coast. There are also very interesting ruins in 
the valleys to the south of Truxillo, all of the same 
character, and imposing irrigation works. Squier 
describes a vast reservoir in a lateral valley among 
the hills, whence water was supplied to the fields 
of the Nepena valley. This reservoir was three- 
quarters of a mile long and half a mile wide, with a 
massive stone dam across the gorge, eighty feet 
thick at the base, between the rocky hills. The 
reservoir was supplied by two channels, one starting 

1 Guanape, 8° 30' S., 78° 58' W. 

2 The height of the mass of guano deposit on these islands was 
730 feet in many places, and the antiquities have been found at a 
depth of 100 feet. The accumulation of guano is calculated at ten 
feet in four centuries, 100 feet in 4000 years. Articles found at 
40 feet must, on this estimate of the time taken for the deposits, 
have been there for 1600 years. It is now doubted whether the 
deposits can possibly be due entirely to the excreta of birds. The 
deposits are regularly stratified. But no other explanation has been 


fourteen miles up the gorge, the other coming from 
springs five miles distant. There were houses in 
the valleys with richly painted walls raised on 
terraces, verandahs covered with passion-flower 
plants yielding refreshing fruit, gardens and culti- 
vated land extending to the seashore, dark 
algaroba woods, and a background of snowy 
mountains. All this leaves an impression of luxury 
bordering on effeminacy, but it is qualified by the 
very numerous representations, on their pottery, 
of warriors armed to the teeth. It is true that 
some of the things that are modelled in clay give 
a low idea of the moral character of the people. 

The language, called Mochica by Bishop Ore, 1 
has been preserved in a grammar and vocabularies, 
though as a spoken tongue it has long been extinct. 
We are indebted to the priest, Fernando de la 
Carrera, for the grammar. He was a great-grand- 
son of one of the Spanish conquerors, Pedro 
Gonzalez de la Carrera, and was brought up at 
Lambayeque, where he learnt the language in his 
childhood. It is so excessively difficult, especially 
the pronunciation, that no grown-up person could 
learn it. Fernando de la Carrera eventually 
became cura of Reque, near Chiclayo, and here he 

l Eituale seu Manuale Peritanum juxta ordinem Sanctm Bomance 
ecclesim per B. P. F. Ludovicum Hieronimurn Orerum (Neapoli, 1607). 
Bishop Ore was a native of Guamanga, in Peru, and was an indefatig- 
able missionary. He gives the Lord's Prayer in Mochica. The 
word resembles Muchi, the name of the river. I am inclined to 
think that Mochica was the name of the people whose sovereign 
was the Chimu. 


composed his grammar, calling the language Yunca, 
which is the Quichua name for the people of the 
coast, the Mochica of Ore. It was printed at 
Lima in 1644, and is very rare. There is a copy- 
in the British Museum which belonged to Ternaux 
Compans. William Humboldt had a manuscript 
copy made, which is at Berlin. There is one copy 
in Peru, belonging to Dr. Villar, for which he 
gave £25. We are, therefore, deeply indebted to 
Dr. Gonzalez de la Bosa for having recently edited 
a reprint. Dr. Middendorf has also translated 
and edited Carrera's grammar, adding several 
vocabularies and words collected at Eten. 1 It was 
in this little coast village, where the people were 
famous for their manufacture of straw hats, that the 
Mochica language lingered down to recent times. 

There was another language in the northern 
coast valleys, which Calancha calls Sec. In 1863 
Mr. Spruce collected thirty-seven words of this 
language, then still spoken at Colan, Sechura, and 
Catacaos. They have not the remotest resem- 
blance to equivalent words in the Mochica, Chibcha, 
or Atacama languages. 3 

The Mochica language is entirely different from 
Quichua, both as regards words and grammatical 
construction. It has three declensions depending 
on the termination of the noun in a consonant, 

1 Das Muchih oder Chimu sprache von Dr. E. W. Middendorj 
(Leipzig, 1892). 

2 Chibcha, now extinct, was the language of the civilised people 
of Colombia. Atacama, also now extinct, was spoken by tribes 
in the southern part of the coast of Peru. 


two consonants, or a vowel. The adjective precedes 
the substantive, and the pronouns precede the 
verb. The roots of the tenses remain unaltered, 
the conjugating being effected by pronouns, and 
the passive voice by the verbs substantive, of which 
there are two. Prepositions come after the noun. 
The vocabulary is fairly abundant, and there is a 
sufficiency of nouns and verbs for the expression 
of abstract ideas. 

We know nothing of the origin of the Chimu 
and his people. Not the vestige of a tradition has 
come down to us. All their designs and ornaments 
refer to their environment. There is nothing which 
points to a foreign origin. Their civilisation appears 
to have been developed by themselves without 
outside contact, in the course of many centuries. 
Yet the temple of the moon on the Muchi river, 
and the great pyramids, remind us of similar Maya 
works. If there was communication it was by 
sea, and at some very remote period. There is 
one coast tradition referring not to the Chimu, but 
to one of his feudatories, the chief of Lambayeque, 
to the north. It is related by Miguel Cavello 
Balboa in his work entitled ' Miscelanea Austral.' 
This cavalier, after serving as a soldier in the 
French wars, became an ecclesiastic, and went to 
South America in 1566. He wrote his work^ 
apparently at Quito, between 1576 and 1586. 1 

1 A French translation of Balboa was published by Ternaux 
Compans in 1840. The original Spanish manuscript has never 
been edited, and I believe its present locality is unknown. 


Balboa tells us that, a long time ago, a great 
fleet of boats came from the north under the 
command of a very able and valiant chief named 
Naymlap, with his wife Ceterni. The emigration 
may have been from the coast called by the Span- 
iards Esmeraldas, or from further north. Naymlap 
was accompanied by eight officers of his household : 
his purveyor, Fongasigde ; his cook, Ochocalo ; his 
trumpeter and singer, Pitazofi and Ningertiue ; 
his litter bearer, Ninacolla ; his perfumer, Xam ; 
his bath man Ollopcopoc ; and Llapchilulli, his 
worker in feathers. The chief landed at the mouth 
of a river called Faquisllanga, where he built a 
temple called Ghot, in which he placed an idol he 
had brought with him, made of a green stone, 
and called Llampallec, whence the name of 
Lambayeque. Naymlap died after a long reign, 
and was succeeded by his son Cium, married to 
a lady named Zolzdoni. After a long reign Cium 
shut himself up in an underground vault to die 
and conceal his death from the people, who thought 
him immortal. A list of eight other kings is given, 
the last of the dynasty being TempeUec. This 
unfortunate prince wanted to take the idol out of 
Chot when an unheard-of thing happened. It 
began to rain, and the deluge continued for a 
month, followed by a year of sterility and famine. 
The priests, knowing of the conduct of Tempellee 
with regard to Chot, looked upon him as the cause 
of the calamity. So they put him into the sea, 
with his feet and wrists tied. Lambayeque 


submitted to the Chimu, with the other valleys ruled 
by descendants of Naymlap. Llapchilulli, the 
feather worker to Naymlap, was a favourite of that 
chief, who gave him the valley of Jayanca, where 
his descendants reigned for several generations. 

Soon after the extinction of the Naymlap 
dynasty the Inca invasions began. Authorities 
differ. Garcilasso de la Vega says that the Inca 
army advanced along the coast from the south, 
with a large contingent of allies. Each valley was 
desperately defended, yet the army of the Chimu 
was obliged to retreat fighting, and at length the 
great chief was forced to submit. Sarmiento makes 
the Inca army descend from the mountains round 
Caxamarca, subdue the Chimu, and carry off 
treasure to a vast amount. Balboa tells us that 
the Incas had many conflicts with the Chimu, but 
that the details are forgotten. We learn from 
Montesinos that the Incas finally prevailed over 
the Chimu by cutting off his water supply. It is 
certain that the Chimu submitted. He was visited 
by the Inca Huayna Ccapac, large numbers of 
artisans were sent to Cuzco, and a military road 
was made over the valleys and deserts of the coast. 
This was about four generations before the arrival 
of the Spaniards, when Cieza de Leon saw and 
described the Inca roads and buildings. In the 
height of their power the Chimu must have had con- 
siderable trade. Wool and metals came from the 
mountains ; chonta, palm wood, bamboo, parrots, 
monkeys and other animals from the eastern 


forests; emeralds and other precious commodities 
from the northern coast. 

The valleys to the north submitted to the Inca 
without any contest, except from the Penachis, 
a savage tribe living on the flanks of the mountains. 
The chief of Jayanca was suspected of complicity 
with them, and was sent a prisoner to Cuzco, where 
he lingered for many years. At length his son 
obtained his release, but he died on the way back. 
The body was embalmed and sent to Jayanca. 
The chief of Lambayeque, named Esquen Pisan, 
was summoned to Cuzco by the Inca Huascar. 
He went willingly, because he was in love with a 
young lady of the coast, who was a maid of honour 
to the widow of Huayna Ccapac. Her name was 
Chestan Xecfuin. The young chief of Lam- 
bayeque sought for his love and found her. They 
were united and, on their way back, she gave 
birth to a son, who received the name of Cuzco 

Then the Spaniards under Pizarro appeared 
on the scene, leaving Tumbez on their march 
southwards on May 16, 1532. Pizarro came to 
the river Chira at Amotape, where he burnt two 
chiefs and some other Indians. He founded his 
town of San Miguel at Tangarara, on the Chira 
river, afterwards removed to Piura. He was at 
Pocheos, Zaran in the Piura valley, Copiz and 
Motupe, eventually reaching Cinto in the valley 
of the river Leche. Xecfuin Pisan, the chief of 
Lambayeque, wished to submit to what appeared 


inevitable, but the people were infuriated. They 
burnt down his house, and he perished in the 
flames. His son Cuzco Chumpi submitted, and 
was baptised with the name of Pedro. We hear 
also of his son, Don Martin Farro Chumpi. Pizarro 
rested at La Mamada in the valley of Jequetepeque, 
and marched thence up the mountains to Caxa- 
marca, which place he reached on November 15, 
1532. In 1535 the conqueror was again in these 
coast valleys. He founded the city of Truxillo, 
named after his old home in Spain, close to the 
city of the Chimu in 8°6' S., and Balboa tells us 
that Pizarro was much struck by the grandeur and 
beauty of the edifices constructed by the ancient 
kings. But he came as a fell destroyer. The 
cruelty of the Spaniards extinguished the ancient 
Chimu civilisation before even a few years had 
passed. Cieza de Leon tells us of the rapid depopu- 
lation of the valleys, and in his time vast tracts 
were becoming waste for want of people to cultivate 
the land. The census of the Piura valley alone, 
made by order of Dr. Loaysa, the first Archbishop 
of Lima, showed a population of 193,000 Indians. 
In 1785 it was 44,497, and these chiefly negroes. 
The race is now practically extinct. The brilliant 
conceptions, the masterly execution, the untiring 
industry, the wealth and magnificence, all passed 
away and are forgotten. 1 

1 The chief of Mansiche, baptised in 1550 with the name of Don 
Antonio Chayhuac, is said to have been a descendant of the Chimu. 
His descendants were living in Lima in the middle of the eighteenth 


Yet the story of the coast civilisation of the 
Chimu is worthy of being rehabilitated. There 
should be a thorough examination and study of 
the Mochica language ; an exhaustive classification 
of Chimu works of art in public museums and 
private collections ; a knowledge of all the authori- 
ties ; and scientific plans of all the ruins. From 
the works of art alone a fairly complete idea 
may be obtained of the conditions of life, the 
manners and customs, even the legends and 
religious ideas of the extinct people. The result 
would be the rehabilitation of an ancient people 
whose history would be quite as interesting, and in 
some respects even more curious, than the histories 
of the Aztecs of Mexico, or the Chibchas of Bogota. 

century. — Feijoo, Relation de la ciudad de TruxiUo (Madrid, 1763), 
pp. 25 and 85. Balboa, p. 73 (ra). 



The territory of the Chimu ended to the south at 
Paramunca, in 10° 51' S. The coast thence to 
latitude about 15°S. includes the perennially watered 
valleys of Huara, Chancay, Caravayllo, Rimac, 
Lurin, Mala, Huarcu, Chincha, Pisco, Yea, Rio 
Grande, comprising five valleys converging into 
one, and Nasca, with deserts between them. 
There are also a few inhabited valleys with water- 
courses coming from outside the region of regular 
rains, such as Chilca and Asia. 1 The irrigated 
valleys supported a dense population in ancient 
times, the chiefs of each valley being independent, 
though acting together as a confederacy for 
certain purposes. 

There are reasons for the conclusion that these 
more southern valleys had also been inhabited 
from a very remote period. On the island of San 
Lorenzo, opposite to the mouth of the Rimac, 
Darwin found the same shells as occur in the ocean 
at the present time, at a height of 85 feet, and 
with them the evidence of man's existence, 

l Formerly Asyac. 

227 9 2 


including cobs of Indian corn and cotton twine. 
The depth at which ancient relics have* been 
found in the deposits of guano on the Chincha 
Islands has been considered as another proof of 
the very remote period when there were inhabitants 
in these coast valleys. There is, however, some 
reason to doubt the cogency of this argument. 1 Still 
the evidence, especially that given by Darwin, is 
in favour of the peopling of these valleys from 
a very remote antiquity. 

Whence, then, did these coast people originally 
come ? I believe that the mountains of the maritime 
cordillera, with their gorges and ravines opening 
on the coast valleys, answer the question. In a 
former chapter we have seen that the mountain 
fastnesses of Huarochiri, Yauyos, and Lucanas 
overlook the coast, and were inhabited by hardy 
tribes of mountaineers speaking a dialect of 
Quichua. From remote antiquity they descended 
into the coast valleys and multiplied exceedingly, 
being periodically recruited from the mountains. 

We have no history, barely a tradition, to 
throw any light on these coast people — nothing 
but the confused side-light thrown by their ruins 
and the contents of their tombs. Touching their 
superstitions and religious beliefs we have a little 
more, due to the fact that two or three priests, 

l Mr. Squier argues that articles may have been buried in the 
guano at considerable depths, also that they may have been placed 
on the surface and have fallen down to an apparent great depth 
with the disintegration of the material in course of removal, and 
thus appear to have been deposited there. 


commissioned to extirpate idolatry, prepared 
interesting reports which have fortunately been 

The former density of the population is shown 
by the irrigation works, and also by the fact that 
the ruins of ancient villages are found on the skirts 
of the mountains and deserts, and not within the 
valleys, so as to reserve every square foot for 
cultivation. The chiefs, however, formed their 
strongholds in the centre of their dominions. These 
consisted of huge mounds, or huacas, as the ruins are 
now called. In the great valley of the Rimac, 
where now stand the city of Lima and the sea- 
port of Callao, as well as in the other valleys, there 
are several of these vast mounds built of large 
adobes. The interiors were used as places of 
sepulture. On the platform, raised high above the 
plain, was the chief's palace, made defensible, whence 
the cultivated lands could be overlooked and the 
approach of an enemy discerned. At the foot of 
these mounds there are the ruins of barracks occupied 
by the followers and attendants of the chief. 

The pottery and other works of art found in the 
tombs are exceedingly interesting, and show that 
commercial intercourse existed between the Mochi- 
cas and the most southern coast dwellers. The 
Chimu influence is apparent. The most interesting 
relics are those brought to our knowledge by Reiss 
and Stiibel in their beautifully illustrated work 
recording the results of their excavations at Ancon, 
to the north of Lima. Besides the mummies and 


pottery, and warlike implements, there were cotton 
cloths worked in various patterns, the work- 
baskets of ladies with their sewing and spinning 
articles, and even dolls and other playthings for 
children. In the more southern valleys the dis- 
coveries of pottery and other relics in the places 
of sepulture have been very numerous. In the 
valley of Yea I also found a stone vase with two 
serpents carved round it. In the Nasca valley, in 
the far south, a number of specimens of painted 
pottery have recently been discovered, which are 
believed to be very ancient. But all are inferior to 
the Chimu works of art, both in design and work- 

Some curious mythological fables, belonging as 
much to the coast valleys as to the adjacent 
mountainous province of Huarochiri, have been 
preserved by Dr. Francisco Avila, the cura of San 
Damian, in Huarochiri, in 1608. This province of 
Huarochiri, with its lofty mountain ranges, is 
drained by the rivers Eimac and Lurin. It appears 
that the tradition of the people was that in the 
Purun-pacha, or most remote times, the land of 
Huarochiri was yunca, that is to say that it had a 
climate similar to the coast valleys. The tradition 
seems to point to a period before the Andes were 
raised to their present elevation. 

These people, who spoke a dialect of Quichua, 
preserved a tradition, handed down to them from 
the megalithic age, of the supreme god of Pirua, 
the ' Uira-cocha.' To his name they attached the 


words ' Cconi-eayac,' 1 meaning ' appertaining to 
heat.' They addressed him as ' Ccofii-rayac Uira- 
cocha/ saying, ' Thou art Lord of all ; thine are 
the crops, thine are all the people.' 

Yet with all their reverence for the Deity, they 
told grotesque mythological stories about him. In 
one of these there was a virgin goddess whom he 
caused to conceive by dropping before her the 
fruit from a lucma tree. 2 To her own astonish- 
ment the goddess, whose name was Cavillaca, 3 
gave birth to a son. She assembled all the huacas 
(gods) to see who was the father, by the test of the 
child recognising him. Uira-cocha came as a 
wretched mendicant. The child went at once to 
the beggar as his father. Cavillaca was ashamed 
and enraged at being supposed to have connection 
with any one so despicable. She snatched up the 
child and fled towards the sea. Uira-cocha resumed 
his godlike form and, clothed in golden robes, he 
ran after her. His splendour illuminated the whole 
country, and he cried to her to turn and look at him, 
but she rather increased her speed, disdaining to 
look on such a vile and filthy creature. She was 
soon out of sight, and when she reached the shore 
of Pachacamac she entered the sea with her child. 
They were turned into two rocky islets, which may 

1 Ccmii, heat in Quichua ; rayao is a particle, meaning ' that 
which appertains to.' 

2 Cabalkria latifolia (B.P.). 

3 Gael means a small kind of oca [Oxalis tuberoso) ; llaca, a 
diminutive particle. 


still be seen. Uira-cocha continued the pursuit, 
asking several animals, as lie passed them, whether 
the goddess was near or far off. These were a 
condor, a skunk, a lion, a fox, a falcon, and a parrot. 

The condor said he had seen the goddess pass, 
and that if Uira-cocha went a little faster he 
would catch her. So Uira-cocha blessed the 
condor and promised great powers of flight to 
all future condors. He then met the skunk, who 
replied to his question that Cavillaca was far away 
and that he could never overtake her. So Uira- 
cocha cursed the skunk, 1 and condemned it to 
have a strong scent so as to be easily caught. 
The lion's 2 reply was favourable, so the king of 
beasts received a blessing. He was to be respected 
and feared in life, feeding on the llamas of sinners, 
and after his death his skin, with the head, was 
to be honoured by being worn by men at great 
festivals. Uira-cocha next met a fox, 3 who told 
him that his running was useless. The fox's curse 
was that he would be hunted during life, and that 
his skin would be despised after death. The 
cheering answer of the falcon* secured for him 
a great blessing. He was to breakfast on delicious 
little birds, and after death festive dancers were 
to honour his skin by wearing it as a head-dress. 
Lastly, some parrots gave him bad news, and the 
curse upon them was that in feeding they should 
never be safe,for their own cries would betray them. 

These talks with the birds and beasts on the 

1 Anas. 2 Puma. 3 Atoo. * Huaman. 


road must have delayed the god a good deal, so 
that when at last he reached the seashore he found 
that Cavillaca and her child were turned into 
rocks in the offing. Uira-cocha walked along the 
seashore until he met two young daughters of the 
fish god Pachacamac,but they flew awayfromhim in 
the shape of doves. For this reason their mother, 
who had gone to visit Cavillaca, now turned to 
a rock, was called Urpi-huachac, or the ' mother of 
doves. 5 Uira-cocha was angry, and looked about 
to see how he could injure her. In those days 
there were no fishes in the sea. But Urpi-huachac 
reared some in a pond ; so the enraged god emptied 
all, the fish into the sea, and from them all the fishes 
that are now in the sea were propagated. This 
tradition was rooted in the hearts of the people, and 
in Avila's time the condor, falcon, and lion were 
looked upon as sacred, and were never killed. 
Avila knew of a condor which lived under the bridge 
at the village of San Damian for many years after 
it was too old to fly. The diligent priest has 
preserved several other mythological legends. 

The temple of Pachacamac was dedicated to 
a fish god, and is alluded to in this legend of 
Cavillaca. An immense mound of stones and 
adobes rises to a height of 200 feet, on the right 
bank of the river Lurin, near the seashore. It 
stands on the frontier fine, with the fertile valley of 
Lurin on one side and the sandy desert on the 
other. The temple is built in three wide terraces, 
with a platform on the summit. The side-walls 


are supported by buttresses, but the buildings 
on the terraces and on the platform have been 
destroyed. The god gave out oracles which 
attracted many people from great distances. The 
Incas are said to have consulted it. Hence a 
large town sprang up to the east of the temple, and 
the worship of the creator Uira-cocha was super- 
seded by that of the fish god Pachacamac. The 
site of the temple was very grand and the view was 
imposing from the platform, with the bright 
green of the Lurin valley oh one side, the desert 
on the other, and the lofty mountains of Huaro- 
chiri in the rear. The view in front, of the Pacific 
Ocean, with the sun setting behind the rocks which 
were once Cavillaca and her child, is very grand. 
But the fish god and its oracle lost their fame 
and importance after the conquest by the Incas. 
It was January 30, 1533, when Hernando Pizarro, 
and the recorder of his journey, Miguel Astete, 
reached the temple of Pachacamac. Astete tells 
us that an idol of wood was found in a good, well- 
painted building which the people looked upon as 
their creator and sustainer. Offerings of gold 
were placed before it, and no one was allowed 
to enter the temple except the officiating priests. 
Hernando Pizarro caused the temple to be pulled 
down and the idol to be broken and burnt before 
all the people. The Inca, after the conquest of 
these coast valleys, had built a temple to the sun 
on the upper platform. But great part of the 
town was in ruins, and most of the outer wall 


had fallen, an indication that the fish god and its 
oracle had lost their importance under the Incas. 
Astete tells us that the name of the principal chief 
was Tauri-chumbi. Because this idol was called 
Pachacamac an erroneous idea has prevailed that 
the Supreme Being was worshipped at this place. 
Pacha means the earth, and Camac, maker or creator. 
The name was given to their chief idol and oracle, 
but there is no valid reason for the conjecture that 
it conveyed any abstract belief in a Supreme Being. 
On the contrary, the coast people had degraded the 
primitive and pure religion of megalithic times 
into a mass of legendary lore, and a system of 
local image worship combined with divination, 
soothsaying, and sorcery. 

Father Pablo Joseph de Arriaga, a Jesuit, 
was busily employed, like Avila, in the extirpation 
of idolatry on the coast and in Conchucos, and 
his report to the Eoyal Council of the Indies was 
published at Lima in 1621. ] He tells us that each 
ayllu had an idol common to the whole tribe, as 
well as special idols for families, with sacrificial 
priests. The people long clung to their custom 
of preserving the bodies of their relations in rocky 
or desert places, even taking them from the church- 
yards, where the cufas had ordered them to be 
buried, in the dead of night. They said that they 
did this ' cuyaspa/ for the love they had for them. 

1 Extirpation de la idolatria de Peru, dirigido al Eey N. 8. en 
su real consejo de Indias por el Padre Pablo Joseph de Arriaga de la 
Campania de Jesus (Lima, 1621), p. 137. 


On festivals they assembled by ayllus, each one 
with its mummies, offering to them clothes, 
plumes, jars, vases, skins of lions and deer, shells 
and other things. They invoked the ocean as 
Mamacocha, especially those who came down 
from the mountains, the earth as Mamapacha at 
seed-time, to yield good harvests, the Puquios or 
fountains when water was scarce. Hills and 
rocks were worshipped and had special names, 
with a thousand fables about their having once 
been men who were turned into stones. Many 
huacas (or gods) were of stone carved in the shape 
of men, women, and animals. All had special 
names, and there was not a boy in the ayllu but 
knew them. Those which were the guardians 
of the villages were called Marcaparac or Marca- 
charac. Their Penates or household gods were 
called Conopa or Huasi-camayoc. Large stones 
in fields called Chichic or Huanca, and other 
stones in the irrigating channels, received sacrifices. 
Then there were the Saramamas and Cocamamas, 
or the ' mother/ i.e. representative deity of sara 
(maize) and coca. Besides the sacrificing priests 
there were hosts of diviners and soothsayers. 
Arriaga and his colleague Avendano boasted 
of having destroyed 603 huacas, 617 malquis 
(mummies), 3418 conopas, 189 huancas, and 45 

The coast people were steeped in superstitious 
observances, as this report sufficiently proves, 
but, nevertheless, they were laborious and 


intelligent, excellent cultivators, good artisans and, 
above all, admirable contrivers of irrigation works. 

The finest example of an effective irrigation 
system is that enjoyed by the valley of Nasca, 
which, as has already been stated, was probably 
peopled by the mountaineers of Lucanas. Here 
was a tract of country at the foot of the mountains 
which originally only received a precarious supply 
of water from the coast range. Practically it was 
a desert. The Lucanas converted it into a garden. 
Of all the earthly paradises in which Peru abounds, 
Nasca is one of the most charming. The two main 
channels are brought from the mountains by 
subterraneous tunnels, the origins of which are 
unknown. They continue right down the valley, 
and smaller channels branch from them, also 
subterraneous in their upper courses but coming to 
the surface lower down. From these secondary 
channels the water is taken off, in smaller channels, 
to irrigate the fields and gardens. There were 
similar works for the great valleys of Kimac, 
Lurin, Mala, Huarcu (Cafiete), Chincha, Pisco, and 
Yea, but none more complete and scientifically 
designed than those of the vale of Nasca. 

The inhabitants of these coast valleys appear 
to have had the generic name of Chinchas, from 
the great valley of Chincha, originally peopled 
by the mountaineers of Yauyos. They were trained 
to the use of arms, and had frequent wars with the 
subjects of the Chimu, perhaps also among them- 
selves. Their conquest by the Incas took place 


before that of the Chimu. Garcilasso de la Vega 
tells us that there was desperate resistance in the 
different valleys, the Chinchas forming a confederacy, 
and that they were not subdued until after several 
well-fought campaigns. The name of their principal 
leader was Cuis-mancu, the chief of the Bimac 
valley. After they were at length subdued, they 
joined the Incas as allies in the war against the 

The Incas erected two important palace- 
fortresses on the coast. One was on the frontier 
between the Chinchas and Mochicas, called Para- 
manca. It was an extension of a more ancient 
work built by the Chimu, and is described, by 
both ancient and modern writers, as an edifice 
of imposing appearance, with painted walls. 1 
The other Inca stronghold was on an eminence 
with precipitous sides, at the mouth of the river 
now called Canete. It consisted of two blocks of 
buildings in the Inca style of architecture, one 
with a vast hall and passages opening upon one 
side, leading to small chambers. Between the two 
blocks of buildings there was an open space,or place 
d' armes, overlooking the plain, with the rapid river 
washing the base of the height. The place is now 
called Hervay. 2 It was designed to overawe the 
great valleys of Huarcu (Canete) and Chincha. 

The coast valleys continued to flourish under 

l Described by Cieza de Leon, p. 247. Proctor's Travels, p. 175. 

S! Described by Markham, Cuzco and Lima. 


the Incas, and their own hereditary chiefs were 
confirmed as governors under the Inca system. 
When Hernando Pizarro arrived at Pachacamac, 
in January 1533, most of these hereditary governors 
seem to have sent in their submission. 1 

South of Nasca the valleys do not appear to have 
had either an early history or a dense population. 
There was an aboriginal race of fishermen called 
Changos, and the Atacamas far to the south, of 
whose language a vocabulary has been preserved. 
These fishing tribes used balsas of inflated seal- 
skins. The southern valleys were eventually 
peopled by mitimaes, or colonists, chiefly from the 
Collas. Acari, 2 the next valley to Nasca, is men- 
tioned by several early writers, and may, perhaps, be 
included in the Chincha confederacy. Next came 
Atequipa, 3 Atico, 4 Ocoiia, 5 Camana, 6 and Majes. 
Arequipa, Moquegua, and Tacna, with its port of 
Arica, were occupied by Colla colonists, but not, 
apparently,in great numbers or at a very early date. 

1 Astete mentions the following chiefs who came to Fachacamao 
or sent in their submission : 

Chief of Mala — Lincoto ; Guanchapaichu ; 

Pachacamac — Taurichumbi ; Colixa — Aci ; 

Poax — Alincai ; Sallicai-marca — Yspilo ; 

Huarcu (Canete) — Guarili ; and others. 

Chincha — Tamviambea ; 

2 Cieza de Leon, 28, 265 ; G. de la Vega, i. 244, 267 ; Balboa, 
109 ; Molina, 62. 

3 G. de la Vega, i. 267 ; ii. 12. 

* G. de la Vega, ibid. ; Acosta, 167. 

5 Cieza de Leon, 29, 263 ; G. de la Vega, i. 267 ; Balboa, 111. 

« Cieza de Leon, 29, 265 ; G. de la Vega, i. 267. 



The overwhelming catastrophe, which destroyed 
the delicate and complicated organism of Peruvian 
civilisation, had been preceded by a war of succes- 
sion. There had been events of this kind before, 
the last recorded one having preceded the accession 
of Pachacuti. None had ever been so prolonged 
and so serious. Yet it is probable that it would 
not have had any disastrous effect on the general 
well-being of the empire. It only temporarily 
affected that section of the community which was 
told off for military duties. One is reminded of the 
evidence given by Mr. Thorold Rogers respecting 
our War of the Roses. The conflict so little 
affected the daily work of the people and the 
business transactions of the community that, in 
all the hundreds of manor accounts over all parts 
of the country that he had examined during the 
period, there is not a single allusion to the civil war. 
The great Inca Huayna Ccapac left Cuzco on his 
northern campaign in about the year 1513, and 
was occupied for twelve years in completing his 
conquests around and to the north of Quito. At the 



time of his departure from Cuzco he had had 
children by four Ccoyas of the royal family, and 
many others by concubines. The first queen was 
Mama Cusirimay, the mother of his eldest son, 
Ninan Cuyuchi. The second and favourite queen 
was Mama Eahua Ocllo, the mother of Inti Cusi 
Hualpa, who was surnamed Huascar, from the 
village near Cuzco where he was born. 1 The third 
was named Tocta Cuca, a princess of the lineage of 
Pachacuti, and the mother of Atahualpa. Mama 
Runtu was the fourth, mother of the princes 
Manco and Paullu. 

On leaving Cuzco the Inca took with him the two 
Ccoyas Cusirimay and Rahua, his eldest son, Ninan 
Cuyuchi, and his third son, Atahualpa, both having 
reached man's estate, 2 besides many other relations 
and leading councillors. He left a regency at 
Cuzco consisting of an uncle and a brother, in charge 
of his sons Huascar, Titu Atauchi, Manco, and 

The great northern campaign of Huayna Ccapac 
was admirably conducted, and some very able 
natives of the Quito province were trained under 
this great leader, and became distinguished generals, 

1 Huascar-pata, near Muyna. There appears to be no truth in 
the story about a golden cable having been made to celebrate 
bis birth. The story was invented to account for the name. There 
had long been a cable covered with plates of gold, in use for the 
performance of dances during the great festivals. 

2 Of course the story that the mother of Atahualpa was a native 
of Quito, or a princess of Quito, could not be true, because Atahualpa 
was a grown man before he ever left Cuzco. If he had been born at 
Quito he would only have been eight or ten when his father died. 


chief among them being Quizquiz, Chalcuchima, and 
Kumi-naui. But the prowess of Atahualpa was 
not such as to satisfy his father. Meanwhile 
Huascar was living in luxury at Cuzco. Felicita- 
tions and presents were sent to him from the pro- 
vinces, and among them an exceedingly beautiful 
maiden arrived from Yea, on the coast, named 
Chumpillaya, accompanied by her parents. 

Huascar fell desperately in love with the coast 
maiden. She received the surname of ' Curi 
Coyllur/ or the golden star, and the young Inca had 
a daughter by her who received the same name. 
But the jealousy of the other women led to the death 
of Chumpillaya by poison, and her child was 
placed under the care of the princess Cahua Ticlla, 1 
one of Huascar's sisters. 3 The romantic love story 
of Curi Coyllur runs like a silver thread through the 
record of the war of succession. 

Huayna Ccapac, the last of the imperial Incas, 
died at Quito in 1525, after a reign of from thirty to 
forty years, the last twelve having been completely 
occupied by his campaigns to the north of Quito. 
The body was conveyed to Tumi-pampa, where it 
was embalmed. He had declared his eldest son, 
Ninan Cuyuchi, to be his heir, but as he was in bad 
health, Huascar was nominated in the event of his 
elder brother's death. Ninan Cuyuchi died very 

1 Cahua, grey ; ticlla, a flower. 

2 The love story of Curi Coyllur was told to Balboa by Don 
Mateo Yupanqui Inca, a member of the Peruvian royal family 
residing at Quito, p. 231. 


soon after his father, and Huascar appears to have 
been unanimously proclaimed sovereign Inca. 

Preparations were then made for the conveyance 
of the body (malqui) and huauqui of Huayna 
Ccapac to Cuzco. His first queen, Cusirimay, had 
died at Quito. Mama Kahua, therefore, had charge 
of the body during the long journey, accompanied 
by some of the Inca's oldest and most trusted 
friends and councillors, chief among them being 
Auqui Tupac Yupanqui. Atahualpa excused him- 
self from accompanying the funeral cortege. 
Speeches have been put into his mouth by one or 
two Spanish writers. Probably he had reason to 
be doubtful of his reception by the new Inca. He 
may have already conceived ambitious schemes, for 
he found that the Quito generals were devoted to 
his interests. At first Huascar is said to have given 
him the title of Incap Ranti, or Viceroy in Quito. 
But if this friendly feeling ever existed, it was of 
very short continuance. 

On the arrival of the Ccoya Mama Eahua and 
her companions on the plain of Suriti, near 
Cuzco, with the body of Huayna Ccapac, the news 
was brought to Huascar that his brother Atahualpa 
had remained behind. He was furious. Auqui 
Tupac Yupanqui and his companions were arrested, 
questioned respecting the absence of Atahualpa, and, 
as their answers were not considered satisfactory, 
they were put to death. The Ccoya Mama Kahua 
was indignant at the execution of her friends, and 
the friends of her deceased lord. She never forgave 

B 2 


her son for these acts of injustice and cruelty. 
It was long before she would consent to the marriage 
of her daughter Chuqui Urpay with Huascar, 
which took place after the obsequies of the great 
Inca Huayna Ccapac. The widowed queen took 
up her abode at the village of Siquillapampa, a few 
miles from Cuzco. 

Atahualpa resolved to send an embassy to his 
brother, with valuable presents, brought by envoys 
who were instructed to offer his submission and 
homage. For this delicate mission he selected a 
handsome and valiant youth named Quilacu Yupan- 
qui, son of the murdered Auqui Tupac Yupanqui. 
He was accompanied by four older chiefs. 

On his arrival at Suriti the envoy received 
a welcoming message from the queen-dowager, 
who was fond of young Quilacu. He had been 
brought up in her palace at Cuzco, and was a 
foster-brother to her daughter Chuqui Urpay. 
Mama Rahua invited him to come to Siquillapampa, 
and to reside there until he received orders as to his 
reception from the Inca. The old queen sent out a 
number of beautiful girls to meet her friend Quilacu, 
and among them was Huascar's daughter, Curi 
Coyllur, the golden star, the fairest of the fair 
maidens of Cuzco. During his short residence 
at Siquillapampa, Quilacu conceived an ardent 
affection for the beautiful girl, and he had the 
happiness to find that his love was returned. 
There was a brief but delightful time under the 
shade of the molle trees, on lawns carpeted with the 


cantut and amancay, where the noise of bubbling 
fountains mingled with the songs of many birds. 
Lofty mountains surrounded the little valley, and 
here all but love was forgotten. 

All too soon the spell was broken. An order 
came for Quilacu and his embassy to proceed at 
once to Calca, in the vale of Vilcamayu, where the 
Inca was then residing. The young envoy placed 
the presents at the feet of Huascar, and assured 
him of his brother's loyalty. The Inca looked 
at him with disdain, spurned the presents, and 
accused him of being a spy. His four colleagues 
were put to death, and he was sent to Cuzco to 
await further orders. An old servant was sent to 
report his treatment and the murder of his friends to 
Mama Rahua Ocllo while he remained in suspense. 
At length Quilacu received his dismissal. He was 
ordered to return to Atahualpa and to warn him 
that he would soon have to render an account of his 
conduct to his sovereign. 

A secret message reached Siquillapampa that 
Quilacu would, if possible, turn off the road and 
claim Curi Coyllur from her aunt and guardian, 
the princess Cahua Ticlla. The beautiful girl 
looked out anxiously for her lover. When she saw 
a labourer in the far distance with a plough (taclla) 
on his shoulder, she thought it was him. At last 
a troop of wayfarers was seen, wending their way 
along the Chinchay-suyu road. Standing under the 
molle trees, by the side of the waving corn, she saw 
the travellers disappearing over the crest of the 


distant hills, and gave way to despair. Suddenly 
Quilacu rushed out of the maize-field, 1 and in a 
moment the lovers were locked in each other's arms. 
They were joined by Cahua Ticlla, to whom Quilacu 
related all that had taken place at Calca and Cuzco. 
He asked the princess for the hand of her niece, 
but she replied that they must wait for more 
peaceful times. She, however, promised that Curi 
Coyllur, who was only sixteen, should wait for him 
for three years. With this he was obliged to be 
contented, and setting out on his way to Quito, he 
reported the results of his mission to Atahualpa. 

Quilacu was quickly followed by a large army 
commanded by a general named Atoc, and the 
forces of the two brothers encountered each other 
at Ambato, near Quito. Huascar's forces were 
entirely defeated, the general being captured and 
put to death. Huascar then sent another army 
to Tumipampa, under the command of Huanca 
Auqui, one of the Inca's numerous half-brothers. 
This unfortunate general seems to have done his 
best, but he was defeated at Tumipampa, then 
near Caxamarca, then at Bombon, and was finally 
driven back into the valley of Jauja. Here he 
received large reinforcements under another leader, 
named Mayta Yupanqui,who upbraided the unlucky 
Huanca Auqui for his defeats. Meanwhile the 
Inca Huascar celebrated an expiatory fast called 

i The maize of Cuzco grows to a greater height than the tallest 
man, and Quilacu would have been entirely concealed by it. 


Atahualpa's army was commanded by a savage 
but very able native of Quito, named Quizquiz, 
with Chalcuchima as his lieutenant and colleague, 
while young Quilacu had charge of a reserve force. 
Three years had nearly expired. The aunt, Cahua 
Ticlla, was on the point of death, and Huascar 
threatened to force Curi Coyllur to marry one of 
his captains. But she was resolved to be true to 
her lover, and to go in search of him. One night 
she cut off her long hair, put on the dress of one 
of her men-servants, and, as the army of Mayta 
Yupanqui passed by Siquillapampa, she slipped out 
of the house and mingled with the camp followers. 

Quizquiz, having marshalled his forces, advanced 
against the combined army of Huanca Auqui 
and Mayta Yupanqui. A desperate battle was 
fought at a place called Yanamarca, which was 
long doubtful. One of the wings of Atahualpa's 
line was hotly pressed, when Quilacu came up with 
his reserves. This turned the scale. The Incas 
broke and fled. But Quilacu was severely wounded. 
He fell among a heap of dead, at a moment when 
his men were fully occupied in the pursuit of the 
enemy, so that they did not notice the absence of 
their leader. The tide of battle rolled onwards 
and he was left to his fate. 

Crushed under the weight of the fallen, and 
faint from loss of blood, Quilacu was for a long 
time insensible. When at length he recovered 
consciousness, he saw a boy traversing the field 
of battle, appearing to be in search of some one 


among the disfigured corpses. The wounded chief 
cried out and succeeded in attracting the boy's 
attention. ' He came at once, stanched the wounds, 
and helped Quilacu to reach the banks of a little 
stream. Here he collected brushwood, lighted a 
fire, and gave further aid to the wounded man. 
Quilacu began to question the lad as to his motive 
for helping an enemy. His answer was : ' Brother ! 
I am a native of this country. My name is Titu : 
ask me no more/ Next day Titu led Quilacu to 
an abandoned hut, where for many weeks he was 
unconscious with a raging fever, tenderly nursed 
by the helpful lad. 

The Peruvian fugitives rallied at the pass of 
Ancoyacu, which Mayta Yupanqui proposed to 
fortify and defend, but Huanca Auqui had lost 
heart, and they fell back on Vilcas-huaman. The 
Inca Huascar was now thoroughly alarmed. He 
consulted the huacas and oracles, and was told 
that if he put himself at the head of his army, 
leading it in person, he would be victorious. 
Keinforcements were hurried up from Colla-suyu, 
and even from Chile, and Huascar found himself 
at the head of a large army, on the plain of 

Huanca Auqui, who had fallen back from 
Vilcas-huaman, was stationed to defend the bridge 
of the Apurimac. The Chilians were encamped on 
the heights commanding the valley of Cotabambas, 
with the Collas and the Charcas contingent. The 
rest of the army was in the Cotabambas valley. 


Quizquiz gave up all hope of crossing the profound 
gorge of the Apurimac in the face of an enemy. 
He detached Chalcuchima to approach Cuzco by 
way of Chumpivilcas. He then attacked the main 
division of Huascar's army, and was repulsed with 
heavy loss. 

What followed is a little obscure. It would 
seem that the Inca conducted a reconnaissance in 
force up a ravine opening on to the Cotabambas 
valley. It was in reality a carefully arranged 
ambuscade. The Inca was suddenly surrounded, 
dragged out of his litter, and taken prisoner. When 
this became known, all resistance ceased, and the 
Incarial army was dissolved. Atahualpa's generals 
marched in triumph to the capital, encamping 
outside at a place called Quisipay. The chiefs of 
Cuzco and the Inca's mother, Eahua Ocllo, sub- 
mitted and acknowledged Atahualpa as their 
sovereign. The old queen even upbraided her son 
for his injustice and cruelties, and told him that 
his own wickedness was the cause of his misfortunes. 
The unhappy prince certainly paid dearly for his 
sins. All those who were near and dear to him 
were massacred before his eyes. Then an order 
came from Atahualpa that his brother Huascar, 
with his mother and principal councillors, were to 
be brought to him at Caxamarca. 

But the terrible drama was drawing to its 
astounding close. News came to Cuzco of the 
arrival of the mighty strangers, then that Atahualpa 
himself was a prisoner in their hands, next that a 


ransom in gold was to be paid for his release. 
Atahualpa had been accepted as Inca after the 
victories of his generals. The mechanism of the 
empire went on working as if nothing had happened, 
and when the orders came for the gold to be sent 
to Caxamarca, the roads were promptly traversed 
by the bearers of gold in all shapes and forms. 
The army of Quizquiz and Chalcuchima evacuated 
Cuzco, and proceeded towards Caxamarca in some 
confusion, ready to obey and help their captured 
sovereign. The atrocities said to have been com- 
mitted by these conquerors while at Cuzco were 
naturally exaggerated, the accounts having been re- 
ceived by the Spanish writers from the conquered side. 
The immediate relations and friends of Huascar 
were slaughtered, and, for some reason which is 
not quite clear, the malqui of the great Inca Tupac 
Yupanqui was desecrated and its guardians were 
put to death. But there was no general massacre 
of the Incas, and as soon as Cuzco was evacuated 
by Atahualpa's generals, the Orejones resumed 
their offices and duties, accepting the young prince 
Manco as their Inca when the news of Atahualpa's 
death arrived. 

The unhappy Huascar, with his mother and 
wives and chief officers, were being taken as 
prisoners to Caxamarca. Pizarro heard of the war 
waged against each other by the two brothers, and 
he told Atahualpa that he would judge between 
them. This threat induced Atahualpa to send an 
order for the prisoners to be put to death. It 


reached their guard at Antamarca, where Huascar, 
his mother and wives, and all his friends, were 
massacred. One lad escaped, a natural son of 
Huascar named Huari Titu. He brought the news 
to Caxamarca, and furnished Pizarro with an excuse 
for the execution of Atahualpa. 

On the death of Atahualpa the gold and silver 
ceased to arrive. All that was on its way was 
concealed, but already an amount equivalent to 
£3,500,000 of our money had reached the Spaniards 
at Caxamarca, chiefly in the form of square or 
oblong plates which had been used to adorn the 
walls of houses. A far greater amount was con- 
cealed, and has never yet been found, though the 
secret has been handed down, and on one occasion a 
small portion was used in the interests of the people. 1 

The story of the Spanish invasion and civil war 
has been told in the classic pages of Prescott and 
Helps, and forms no part of this essay except so 
far as it concerns the fate of the Incas. The army 
which vanquished Huascar was scattered, Quizquiz 
and Chalcuchima were to meet their deserts from 
men as ruthless and cruel as themselves. The 
Spaniards were on the march to Cuzco. 

l When the old chief Fumacagua was about to head an in- 
surrection against the Spaniards, he had no funds for procuring 
arms and ammunition. After obtaining from him an oath of 
secrecy, the then guardian took him blindfold to the place where 
the vast treasure was concealed. He had to wade up a stream 
for a long distance. His eyes were then dazzled by the enormous 
masses of gold, and he was allowed to take enough to meet his 
needs. He was defeated and put to death by the Spaniards. No 
one else has ever been admitted to the secret. 


Through all these mighty events the boy Titu 
continued to nurse the wounded chief in the lonely 
hut. They lived on roots and the milk of llamas. 
When, after many months, Quilacu became con- 
valescent, Titu began to make excursions with 
the object of obtaining news. Titu then revealed 
herself to her lover as Curi Coyllur, who had taken 
upon herself the disguise which enabled her to escape 
from a hated marriage, to seek for her beloved, to 
save his life, and to nurse him through a long illness. 
She told him that everything was changed, that 
both Huascar and Atahualpa were dead and their 
armies dispersed, and that strange men had arrived 
from the ocean, whose power was irresistible. She 
went to Jauja, where she fortunately met Hernando 
de Soto, one of the best of the Spaniards, who had 
protested against the murder of Atahualpa. He 
heard her very touching story through an inter- 
preter, and befriended her. He gave clothes to 
the lovers, and they were baptised with the names of 
Hernando and Leonor, and happily married. But 
Quilacu did not long survive. After his death 
Curi Coyllur became the mistress of her benefactor. 
Her daughter, Leonor de Soto, was married at Cuzco 
to a notary named Carrillo, and had several children. 

The empire of the Incas did not fall without 
more than one gallant effort to save it. Titu 
Atauchi, one of the sons of the great Inca Huayna 
Ccapac, was a youth of ability and resource. He 
was resolved to resist the murderers of his brother, 
and collected a considerable force with the object of 


impeding the advance of the Spaniards towards 
Cuzco. With 8000 men he attacked their rear- 
guard, threw it into confusion at a place called 
Tocto, in the province of Huayllas, and captured 
eight prisoners. He took them to Caxamarca, 
which had been abandoned by the Spaniards. 
Among these prisoners was Francisco de Chaves of 
Xeres, one of the most honourable and enlightened 
of the conquerors, and one of the twelve who 
protested against the murder of Atahualpa. Among 
the others were Sancho de Cuellar, Hernando de 
Haro, and Alonso de Alarcon. Cuellar had been 
clerk to the court at the mock trial of Atahualpa. 
He was tried and publicly executed at the same 
pole against which the Inca was strangled. Alarcon, 
whose leg was broken, was carefully tended. 
Chaves and Haro, who had protested against the 
Inca's execution, were treated with the greatest 
kindness. The prince Titu Atauchi made a treaty 
with Chaves to be ratified by Pizarro : 

1. The Spaniards and natives to be friends. 

2. Prince Manco to be acknowledged as Inca. 

3. All the laws of the Incas, in favour of the 
people, and not opposed to Christianity, to 
be maintained. 

Chaves and his comrades were then set free, with 
many good wishes, and proceeded to Cuzco. 1 

i Francisco de Chaves, the friend of Prince Titu Atauchi, was 
a close observer and a diligent inquirer. He wrote a copious 
narrative, which he left in possession of his friend and relative, 
Don Luis Valera, who gave it to Diego de Oliva. Chaves was mur- 
dered at Lima in 1541, in attempting to defend the staircase against 


Unfortunately the enlightened prince Titu Atauchi 
died shortly afterwards. 

The Incas and Orejones of Cuzco assembled 
after the departure of their conquerors, the savage 
generals of Atahualpa. They were in considerable 
numbers, for we know from Sarmiento that there 
were numerous representatives of all the principal 
ayllus at and round Cuzco forty years afterwards. 
The rightful heir, Prince Manco, was a young lad. 
His councillors came to the conclusion that the 
power of the Spaniards was irresistible, but that 
fair treatment might be secured by submission. 
Manco, therefore, was taken out in the royal Utter, 
with a large attendance, to meet Pizarro at the 
bridge of the Apurimac. 

The Inca was received very cordially by the 
Spanish leaders. They escorted him to Cuzco, 
and the ceremonies of his accession were allowed to 
be performed with all the usual splendour. Pizarro 
may have been influenced by Francisco de Chaves 
and others of that stamp in this wise acceptance of 
the Inca's rightful position, but it led to no useful 
result. Pizarro was a man of great natural ability, 
and very far from having been the worst among the 
conquerors, only seeking for the gratification of 
his avarice. He was a statesman of enlarged views, 
but limited by his ignorance and want of education. 
He did not in the least realise the value and adapt- 
ability of the intricate administrative mechanism he 

the assassins of Pizarro. Zarate says that when he died he was 
the most important personage in Peru next to Pizarro, 


was destroying. Trained lawyers and statesmen 
came after him, some of whom fully recognised that 
the Incas were far more able and enlightened 
governors than their Spanish conquerors, but it 
was then too late. It is just possible that if such a 
man as Francisco de Chaves had been in the place 
of Pizarro, things might have taken a better turn, 
for the intentions of the councillors in Spain were 
good ; but it is scarcely probable. 

As it was, the affairs of Peru went from bad to 
worse. Pizarro went to found his capital at Lima, 
his brothers remained at Cuzco, and his colleague 
Almagro undertook his distant expedition to Chile, 
accompanied by Prince Paullu, the brother of 
Manco, and by the Uillac Uma (High Priest of the 
Sun), another son of the great Inca Huayna Ccapac. 
Manco, as he advanced in years, found that he 
was a mere puppet, and that his people were being 
treated with such cruelty and injustice that they 
were ready to make an attempt to throw off a 
yoke which had become unbearable. Manco escaped, 
and put himself at the head of a great army of 
Ore jones ready to strike one last blow for freedom. 
The Sacsahuaman fortress was occupied by the 
patriots, and the Spaniards were closely besieged 
in the ancient city of the Incas. 

The story of the siege of Cuzco has been told by 
Prescott. It was a final effort. The loss of the 
fortress deprived the patriots of their last hope. 
The old Inca chief hurled himself down the precipice 
rather than surrender. Another such deed is 


recorded of the old Cantabrian chiefs who died 
rather than yield to the Komans. Young Manco 
raised the siege of Cuzco on the approach of Ahnagro. 
Marching down the lovely vale of Vilcamayu he 
made a last stand in the famous stronghold of 
OUantay-tampu. Here he repulsed the attack 
of Hernando Pizarro : the last Peruvian victory. 

Forced to evacuate Ollantay-tampu by Almagro's 
lieutenant, Orgonez, Manco retreated into the little 
known mountainous district of Vilcapampa, where 
the Inca sovereignty was upheld for thirty years 
longer. Manco's brother Paullu threw in his lot 
with the Spaniards. Prince Paullu went with 
Ahnagro to Chile, and afterwards, joining Vaca 
de Castro, he was christened as Don Cristoval, 
and was granted the palace overlooking Cuzco, 
at the foot of the fortress, called the Colcampata. 
It had been built by, and was the abode of, the great 
Inca Pachacuti. At the western end of its facade 
the little church of San Cristoval was erected, 
partly as a chapel for the Inca prince. In its rear 
was the sacred field of maize which used to be 
reaped by the young knights after the feast of the 
Huarachicu. Here Paullu lived and died, watching 
the total destruction of his country and people. 
Here his sons, Don Carlos Inca and Don Pelipe 
Inca, were born and brought up, Carlos living quietly 
with his Spanish wife, and looked up to as their chief 
by the numerous Inca kindred in their different 
ayllus. Thus one son of the great Inca Huayna 
Ccapac made terms with the invaders, and lived on 


sufferance in the old palace overlooking the city of 
Cuzco, while the other gallantly maintained his 
independence in the fastnesses of Vilcapampa. 

Manco was surrounded by numerous relations and 
followers, and lived in some state. Buildings were 
erected to take the places of the temple of the sun 
and the palace of Cuzco, and all the approaches were 
watched and guarded. Though very mountainous, 
the region between the Apurimac and Vilcamayu, 
called Vilcapampa, is not unproductive. There are 
pastures and terraced ravines, while to the north 
there are tropical forests inhabited by the friendly 
tribe of Manaris. Vilcapampa, with a width of 
forty miles, is a knot of mountains between the 
rivers Apurimac on the west and Vilcamayu on 
the east side, and with a bend of the latter river 
also bounding it to the north. Pizarro tried to 
come to terms with the Inca, but Manco had a 
profound distrust of Spanish promises. He there- 
fore refused to negotiate, and Pizarro, in revenge, 
having taken one of Manco's wives prisoner with 
other Indians, stripped and flogged her, and then 
shot her to death with arrows. This forced Manco 
to make reprisals on Spaniards surprised on the 
roads leading to Cuzco. 

After the final defeat of young Almagro 
by the Governor Cristoval Vaca de Castro, 
the lad himself and ten of his followers were 
executed, and many others were imprisoned at 
Cuzco. Two of the latter, named Gomez Perez and 
Diego Mendez, with six followers, escaped and 


took refuge in Vilcapampa. They were hospitably 
received by the Inca Manco, and treated with the 
greatest kindness. The Inca was well informed 
respecting passing events. When he heard that a 
Viceroy had arrived, named Blasco Nunez de Vela, 1 
with orders to stop the cruelties and robberies of 
the Spaniards, he resolved to send an embassy 
offering to assist him. He selected Gomez Perez 
for this duty, who went to Lima, and returned with 
a most cordial acceptance of the Inca's offer. But 
the unfortunate Viceroy was driven out and finally 
killed by the conquerors under Gonzalo Pizarro 
very soon afterwards. 

This Gomez Perez was a rough, ill-conditioned 
ruffian with a violent temper. One day he was 
playing at bowls with the Inca, and became so 
intolerably insolent that Manco pushed him, saying : 
' Begone, and remember to whom you are speaking.' 
Perez, in a violent passion, seized the wooden ball 
and gave the Inca such a violent blow that he fell 
dead. The Indians rushed on the Spaniards, who 
took refuge in their lodging, defending the entrance 
with their swords. The Indians then set the house 
on fire, and all the eight ruffians were shot down 
with arrows as they ran out from the flames. 

The Inca Manco was a worthy representative 
of his great ancestors. Subjected to a mock corona- 
tion and a mock sovereignty by the invaders, as 
soon as he reached an age of maturity he scorned 

i Arrived at Lima, May 17, 1544 ; driven out in October. Killed 
at Anaquito, January 18, 1546. 


such a life. Escaping from his jailers, he collected 
an army to strike a blow for freedom. He led 
his countrymen, who were devoted to him, with 
the utmost gallantry and some skill. He desisted 
from the hopeless struggle mainly to stop further 
bloodshed among his people. But he maintained 
his independence in Vilcapampa, watching events. 
He died, full of hope from the new Viceroy and the 
new laws, after a reign of ten years. 

Inca Manco left three sons, named Sayri Tupac, 
Cusi Titu Yupanqui, and Tupac Amaru, and a 
daughter named Maria Tupac Usca, married to 
Don Pedro Ortiz de Orue, who was Encomendero 
of the village of Maras, with a house in Cuzco. 

Sayri Tupac succeeded his father, but, as he 
was not yet of age, regents or tutors conducted 
the government of Vilcapampa. 

s 2 



The Spanish conquerors were captivated by the 
charms of Inca princesses and their attendants at 
Cuzco. Three daughters of Huayna Ccapac had 
Spanish husbands. Beatriz Susta married Mancio 
Serra de Leguisamo, one of the conquerors, to 
whom much interest attaches owing to his remark- 
able will. Another, Beatriz Kusta, was the wife of 
Martin de Mustincia, and secondly of Diego Her- 
nandez. Inez Kusta had two children by Francisco 
Pizarro. A niece of Huayna Ccapac, named 
Francisca Nusta, married Juan de Collantes, and 
was ancestress of Bishop Piedrahita the historian. 
Angelina, daughter of Atahualpa, married Juan de 
Betanzos, the author and Quichua scholar. 

Hualpa Tupac Yupanqui, the next brother of 
the Inca Huayna Ccapac, had a son of the same 
names, and a daughter named Isabel Yupanqui 
Susta, the wife of the Spanish knight, Garcilasso 
de la Vega, and mother of the famous Inca his- 
torian. Paullu Tupac Yupanqui, the brother of 
the Inca Manco, had thrown in his lot with 
the Spaniards, was baptised with the name of 



Cristoval in 1543, and received a grant of the 
Colcampata palace, overlooking Cuzco. He married 
Catalina Mama Usica, his cousin, and had two 
sons, Carlos and Felipe. Prince Paullu died in 
May 1549. 

Garcilasso de la Vega, third son of Don Alonzo 
de Hinestrosa de Vargas and of Dona Blanca 
Sotomayor Suarez de Figueroa, was born at 
Badajos, and was a knight of very noble lineage. 
His great pride was in his descent from that famous 
warrior, Garci Perez de Vargas, who fought by the 
side of St. Ferdinand at the taking of Seville 
in 1348. Another ancestor- was Garcilasso, who 
received the name of de la Vega in memory of a 
famous duel fought with a gigantic Moor in the 
Vega of Granada. 

Garcilasso de la Vega, 

They the youth thenceforward call, 

For his duel in the Vega 

Of Granada chanced to fall. 

Another ancestor was Diego de Mendoza, who 
saved the life of King Juan I at the battle of 
Aljubarrota. The Duke of Feria was the head 
of his mother's family, and he was also related 
to the Mendozas, Dukes of Infantado. 

Born in 1506, young Garcilasso de la Vega was 
well practised in the use of arms when, in 1531, 
at the age of twenty-five, he set out for the New 
World as a captain of infantry with Alonzo 
de Alvarado, who was returning to resume his 


government of Guatemala. On hearing of the riches 
of Peru, Alvarado sailed with a large fleet from 
Nicaragua, and landed in the bay of Carangues in 
May 1534. Garcilasso de la Vega was with him, 
and shared all the terrible hardships and sufferings 
of the subsequent march to Riobamba. After 
the convention with Almagro, and the dispersal of 
Alvarado's forces, Garcilasso was sent to complete 
the conquest of the country round Buenaventura. 
He and his small band of followers forced their way 
through dense forests, enduring almost incredible 
hardships. He next went to Lima, and marched 
thence for the relief of Cuzco, which was surrounded 
by a native army under the Inca Manco. He 
returned to Lima after the siege, and was an officer 
under another Alvarado, when he was sent by 
Pizarro to dislodge Almagro from Cuzco. Defeated 
in the battle of Abancay, Garcilasso suffered a long 
imprisonment until the final overthrow of Almagro 
in April 1538. Afterwards he accompanied Gon- 
zalo Pizarro in his conquest of Charcas, and 
received a grant of land near Cochabamba. He 
then became a citizen of Cuzco, and married the 
Princess Isabel Yupanqui Nusta, formerly called 
Chimpa Ocllo. A contemporary portrait depicts 
a delicate-looking girl with large, gentle eyes and 
slightly aquiline nose, long black tresses hanging 
over her shoulders, and a richly ornamented woollen 
mantle secured in front by a large golden pin. 
Their house was at the north-west angle of the 
Cusi-pata, or that part of the great square which 


was on the west side of the Huatanay torrent. It 
was next door to the house of the Princess Beatriz, 
married to Mancio Serra de Leguisamo. From 
that time, though he was often away for long 
periods during the civil wars, the events of the life 
of the elder Garcilasso were closely entwined with 
those of his young son, the Inca. 

The son of the knight Garcilasso de la Vega by 
the Inca princess was born in their house at Cuzco 1 
on the 12th of April 1539. His earliest recollection 
was of the beautiful view from the balcony. He 
looked down into the catu or market, and on his 
right was the convent of La Merced, where the 
Almagros and Gonzalo Pizarro were buried. The 
house had a long balcony over the entrance, where 
the principal lords of the city assembled to witness 
the bull fights and cane tournaments, which took 
place in the square. There was a view of the 
splendid snowy peak of Vilcanota, 'like a pyramid, 
and so lofty that, though twenty-five leagues away, 3 
and though other mountains intervene, it could be 
seen from the balcony. It does not appear as a 
mass of rock, but as a peak of pure and perpetual 
snow without ever melting. Its name means a 
sacred and wonderful thing.' 3 

The young Inca's grown-up male relations at 

1 The previous owner of the house was Francisco de Ofiate, who 
was killed at the battle of Chupas, April 26, 1538, fighting for 
Almagro the lad. 

2 Nearer fifteen. 

S Vilca means sacred, but unuta is water. It was the sacred 
source of the Vilcamayu. 


Cuzco were his father's brother, Juan Vargas, 1 his 
father's cousin, Garcia Sanchez de Figueroa, and the 
brother of his mother, Hualpa Tupac Yupanqui, 
besides Prince Paullu and the husbands of his 
cousins the princesses, Mancio Serra de Leguisamo, 
Juan de Betanzos and Diego Hernandez. There 
were children of these and other native women, 
called mestizos, or half-castes, with whom the young 
Inca Garcilasso associated, and who were his 
friends and schoolfellows. A year before the boy's 
birth his father was away fighting on the side of 
Vaca de Castro at the battle of Chupas, where 
he was severely wounded. His absences were so 
long and frequent, that he had a friend named 
Diego de Alcobasa to live in the house and look 
after his interests. The young Inca called him his 
' Ayo,' or tutor, and the two young Alcobasas 
were brought up almost as brothers. Young 
Grarcilasso's godfather was Diego de Silva, a citizen 
and alcalde. 

The education question was a very difficult one 
for the young mestizos during all the turmoil of 
civil wars, with the long paternal absences. At 
first they got a priest named Pedro Sanchez, and 
when he deserted them they were taught and dis- 
ciplined by a worthy canon of the cathedral named 
Juan de Cuellar, a native of Medina del Campo. 

1 The Spaniards in those days were very uncertain about 
surnames. One brother would take hfe father's, another his 
mother's, and a third his grandmother's. Vargas was the father's, 
Figueroa the mother's, Garcilasso de la Vega a maternal ancestor's 


He read Latin with them for two years amidst the 
clash of arms, amidst rumours of wars and actual 
fighting, having undertaken the task out of kind- 
ness, and at the request of the boys themselves. 
The school numbered eighteen : 

1. Garcilasso Inca de la Vega 10. Juan Arias Maldonado 

2. Carlos Inca 11. Gaspar Centeno 

3. Felipe Inca 12. Pedro Altamirano 

4. Francisco Pizarro 13. Francisco Altamirano 

14. A son of Garcia Sanchez 

5. Juan Serra de Leguisamo de Figueroa 

6. Diego de Alcobasa 15. AsonofPedrodeCandia 

7. Francisco de Alcobasa 16.) 

8. Juan de Cillorico 17. [ Sons of Pedro del Barco 

9. Bartolome Monedero 18.) 

They were all eager to learn, Felipe Inca being 
the most clever. But the good canon was pleased 
with them all, seeing how much aptitude they 
displayed for grammar and the sciences. He used 
to say, ' sons ! what a pity it is that a dozen of 
you should not be in the university of Salamanca.' 

Out of school hours they amused themselves in 
the best way they could. Atahualpa was naturally 
hated by the Incas of Cuzco, and to insult his 
memory the boys used to make the night hideous 
by using his name to imitate the crowing of a cock. 
The Inca describes the music as 

2 crochets, 1 minim, 1 semibreve, 4 notes all on 
one key. 

They treated his generals who had four syllables 


in their names in the same way — Chalcuchima, 
Eumi-naui, and Quilliscancha. They often went 
up to the fortress to explore the Inca ruins, which 
within ten years had all been taken away to build 
houses in the city. They ventured into the 
subterranean passages, and passed much time in 
tobogganing down the grooves in the Rodadero rock. 
They also had more sensible amusements, and went 
out hawking with the small falcons of the country, 
at Quepaypa. This is the fatal spot where the 
Incas surrendered and made submission to the 
generals of Atahualpa. The greatest excitement 
was when new animals and new fruits arrived from 
Spain for the first time. The first bullocks in the 
plough, the property of Juan Rodriguez de Villa- 
lobos, appeared near Cuzco in 1550. The young 
Inca went off to see them, with a great crowd, when 
he ought to have been at school. The land 
ploughed was just above the convent of St. Francis, 
and the names of the bullocks were Chaparro, 
Naranjo, and Castillo. It was a marvellous sight 
for the boy, but he had to pay for acting 
truant. His father flogged him, and the school- 
master gave him another flogging because his 
father had not given him enough. The next 
wonder was a donkey which his father had bought 
at Guamanga to breed mules from his mares. 

Horses were very precious and very dear. But 
this did not restrain the young mestizos from 
riding races down the streets of Cuzco. Antonio 
de Altamirano, father of the Altamirano boys, 


was very rich. He had received one half of the 
palace of Huayna Ccapac, and found hidden there 
an immense haul of gold and silver cups and vases. 
He could afford to keep several horses, and his 
sons could mount their schoolfellows. One day 
they were riding a race, and a very pretty girl 
watched them from a window. Pedro Altamirano 
kept looking back at her, until at last he fell off. 
But the horse stopped for him to mount again. 
Their father was the first person in Cuzco who 
owned cows. Unfortunately both the Altamirano 
boys died young, ' to the great grief of the whole 
city, by reason of the promise they gave of ability 
and virtue. 5 

Wonders continued to present themselves to 
the astonished eyes of young Garcilasso. A 
knight named Bartolome de Terracas was the first 
to send grapes to Cuzco. The bunches were sent 
to the elder Garcilasso to distribute among the 
citizens. His son had to take the dishes to each 
house, attended by two young Indian pages, and 
of course he did not fail to enjoy a good share him- 
self by the way. He was not so fortunate with the 
asparagus. The Treasurer Garcia de Melo could 
only send three stalks to his father, who cooked 
them at the brasero in his own room, sent his son 
for salt and pepper, and gave a tiny bit to each 
of his guests. But young Garcilasso got none, 
although he had brought the trimmings. 

The young Inca's mother and her family were 
well acquainted with the virtues of many herbs 


and roots. There was one very formidable white 
root, which was pounded, put in water, and given 
to young Garcilasso to drink when he had a 
stomach-ache. It was a drastic remedy. First 
it made him feel sick, and in half an hour he was 
so giddy that he could not stand. Then he felt 
as if ants were crawling over his body and down 
his veins. He next felt as if he was going to die. 
When the medicine had finished working he was 
left quite well, with a tremendous appetite. He 
himself effected a signal cure on a boy named 
Martin, son of Pedro Fernandez the loyal, who was 
suffering from a sore and inflamed eye. Garcilasso 
took a plant called matecllu, which is found in 
streams, a foot long with one round leaf at the end. 
He mashed it, and applied it as a poultice to his 
friend, who was cured after two applications. 
Afterwards he saw Martin in Spain in 1611, when 
he was head groom to the Duke of Feria, and he 
said that he saw better in that eye than in the 

As Garcilasso grew up he exchanged his boyish 
games and excursions for the more serious cane 
tournaments, requiring much practice. He played 
in the tournaments on the feast of Santiago five 
times, also at the baptism of Inca Sayri Tupac, 
when he rode a young horse which had not com- 
pleted its third year. 

The youth Garcilasso was a born topographer, 
with a remarkable memory. Forty years after he 
left Cuzco he described the city, with the exact 


positions of the houses of sixty-six Spanish citizens. 
Little had been altered in his youth. He remem- 
bered three of the great covered halls attached to 
the palaces of the Incas, 200 paces long by 50, 
one in the Amaru-cancha or palace of Huayna 
Ccapac, now the church of the Jesuits, another in 
the Cassana or palace of Pachacuti, capable of 
holding 4000 people, and another on the Colcam- 
pata. The great hall of the palace of Uira-cocha, 
on the east side of the great square, was in process 
of being converted into the cathedral. 

The first great trouble remembered by the 
young Inca was when Gonzalo Pizarro rose against 
the Viceroy Blasco Nunez de Vela and the new 
laws. The Cuzco citizens were forced to join if 
they did not escape. The elder Garcilasso de la 
Vega, Pedro del Barco, Antonio Altamirano, and 
Hernando Bachicao fled to Lima. The three last, 
two of them fathers of the young Inca's school- 
fellows, were hanged by Pizarro's cruel old lieu- 
tenant Carbajal. Garcilasso was concealed for 
weeks in the convent of San Francisco at Lima, but 
at last Gonzalo Pizarro pardoned him. He was 
kept as a sort of prisoner, and obliged to accompany 
the rebels. Meanwhile the house at Cuzco was 
attacked by the Pizarro faction, and besieged. 
The garrison consisted of the young Inca with his 
mother and sister, the Alcobasas, and two faithful 
maids. They were nearly starved, and when the 
besiegers got in, the house was pillaged. At last 
Diego Centeno arrived with the Inca's uncle, Juan 


Vargas, and the family was relieved. They had 
been living on alms. 

Centeno advanced to Lake Titicaca, where the 
battle of Huarina was fought on October 25, 1547. 
Gonzalo Pizarro was victorious, and marched 
triumphantly to Cuzco. Centeno fled, and Juan 
Vargas was killed, to the great grief of his brother 
and nephew. G-arcilasso de la Vega was forced to 
accompany the rebels, and was an unwilling spec- 
tator of the battle of Huarina, where his brother lost 
his life on the loyal side. He had to lend his 
favourite horse ' Salinillas ' to Gonzalo Pizarro, and 
to go with him in his triumphant march northwards. 

On the approach of the rebels, the little Inca 
went out of Cuzco to meet his father, as far as 
Quispicancha, over ten miles. He went partly 
on foot and partly on the backs of two Indian 
servants. The meeting must have been a very 
joyful one, for the family had suffered much during 
the father's absence. They gave the little boy a 
horse for the return journey. Gonzalo Pizarro 
entered Cuzco triumphantly, with such bells as 
there were ringing joyful peals. There was an 
interval of nearly five months and a half between 
his victory at Huarina and his defeat and 
death at Sacsahuana. Young Garcilasso says 
that the great rebel treated him as if he had 
been his own son. The Inca was much in Gon- 
zalo's house, and, though barely nine years old, he 
dined twice at the Procurator's table in company 
with his cousin and schoolfellow Francisco Pizarro, 


the son of the Marquis. Gonzalo Pizarro amused 
himself by making the two boys have running and 
jumping matches, until a rivalry was created 
between the young competitors. 

Then came the rout of Sacsahuana on April 8, 
1548, when the elder Garcilasso took the oppor- 
tunity of galloping over to the royalist side on his 
favourite horse * Salinillas,' which had been returned 
to him by Gonzalo. The interment of the headless 
body of Gonzalo Pizarro in the church of La Merced 
quickly followed. Then there were some years of 
peace, and young Garcilasso eagerly gathered 
knowledge as his age increased. He listened, with 
the deepest interest, when his mother's relations 
came to their house and conversed on the majesty 
and grandeur of the Incas, their government and 
laws. Soon he began to ask questions, and was 
told of the mythical origin of his ancestors, of the 
settling of the city, and the deeds of Manco Ccapac. 
On other occasions he listened to the conversations 
of the Spanish conquerors, when they fought their 
battles over again with his father. He also had 
opportunities of examining the quipus of his father's 
vassals when they came to pay their tribute at 
Christmas or St. John's. Comparing the tribute 
with the knots, he soon came to understand their 
system of accounts by quipus. 

Another civil war was impending. The 
President of the Audiencia, Pedro de la Gasca, so 
undeservedly praised by Prescott, had left the 
country seething with discontent, and in a most 


unsettled state. At last the storm burst at Cuzco, 
the malcontents having secretly planned a rising 
under the leadership of Francisco Hernandez 
Giron. Young Garcilasso had lost his mother a 
few years before, and his father had married a 
Spanish lady. 

On November 13, 1553, there was a marriage 
at Cuzco of Don Alonso de Loaysa, nephew 
of the Archbishop of Lima, with a young lady 
named Maria de Castilla, and a grand wedding 
supper was given in the evening. The ladies 
supped separately in an inner room. Young 
Garcilasso came rather late, to return with his 
father and step-mother. The Corregidor was 
presiding, and the lad was just sitting down at his 
invitation, when the street door was thrown 
violently open, and Giron stalked in with his 
drawn sword, followed by two men armed with 
partisans. The company started to their feet, 
two were killed and then the lights were put out. 
The Corregidor ran into the room of the ladies, 
who were not molested, but he was taken prisoner. 
The Garcilassos, father and son, with some others, 
found a passage which led into the back-yard. 
They all climbed up on to the roof of the house 
next door, which belonged to Juan de Figueroa. 
Thence they got into a back street. Young 
Garcilasso was sent forward as a scout until they 
reached the house of his father's brother-in-law, 
Antonio de Quinones. They had married sisters. 
It took a little time for young Garcilasso to get 


horses ready, but before midnight his father and 
Quinones had galloped out of Cuzco, on their way 
to Lima. The young Inca was left in charge of his 
step-mother. The Giron rebellion lasted for a 
year, ending with the battle of Pucara on October 
24, 1554. 

The elder Garcilasso became Corregidor< of 
Cuzco in 1555, and his son began to be very useful 
to him. The father's estates were at Tapacri, near 
Cochabamba, at Cotonera, Huamanpalpa, and the 
coca plantation of Abisca. The son visited these 
properties, and also acted as his father's secretary 
during his term of office. Both were very busy 
collecting subscriptions for the erection of a hospital 
for Indians, of which the elder Garcilasso laid the 
first stone. The good knight showed great kindness 
to the young sons of Pedro del Barco, who were 
left fatherless and destitute. 

The Viceroy, Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, 
Marquis of Cafiete, arrived at Lima in July 1555. 
He was very anxious that the young Inca Sayri 
Tupac should consent to come out of Vilcapampa, 
and live with the Spaniards. He wrote to the 
Corregidor of Cuzco and to the Princess Beatriz, 
wife of Leguisamo, asking them to make the 
necessary arrangements. It was a difficult matter, 
requiring skilful diplomacy, for the Inca's tutors 
were fearful of treachery. Juan Betanzos was 
sent, but was not allowed to enter the Inca's 
territory. Only the princess's son, Juan Serra de 
Leguisamo, was permitted to reach the presence of 


the Inca with the Viceroy's rich presents. After 
much deliberation Sayri Tupac consented to go to 
Lima, carried in a litter. He was very cordially 
received by the Viceroy and Archbishop, and granted 
a pension and an estate in the valley of Vilca- 
mayu. Sayri Tupac then began the journey to 
Cuzco. At Guamanga he was presented, by a knight 
named Miguel Astete, with the llautu, or fringe of 
sovereignty, which had been taken from Atahualpa. 

Sayri Tupac lived in the house of his aunt, 
the Princess Beatriz, while he was at Cuzco, 
and all those of the blood-royal went there to 
kiss his hand. Among others, the young Inca 
Garcilasso waited upon his cousin, and they 
drank chicha together out of silver cups. The 
Inca Sayri Tupac was married to Cusi Huarcay, 
a granddaughter of the ill-fated Inca Huascar. 
They were both baptised at Cuzco, and then 
proceeded to the abode assigned to them near 
Yucay. Sayri Tupac died in 1560. His daughter, 
Clara Beatriz, married Don Martin Garcia Loyola, 
a nephew of St. Ignatius. Their daughter Lorenza 
was created Marquesa de Oropesa in her own 
right, with remainder to the descendants of her great- 
uncle, Tupac Amaru. She married Juan Henriquez 
de Borja, a grandson of the Duke of Gandia. 

The last year of the abode of the young Inca 
Garcilasso in the home of his childhood was a 
very melancholy one. His father was suffering 
from a long and painful illness. He died in 1559, 
and his son, now in his twentieth year, was left 


alone in the world. It was settled that he should 
realise what worldly possessions he could get 
together, and seek his fortune in the mother 
country. When he went to take leave of the 
Corregidor, Polo de Ondegardo, that body-snatching 
official showed him the mummies of three Incas and 
two Ccoyas, which he had found after a prolonged 
search. He called them Uira-cocha, Tupac Yu- 
panqui, Huayna Ccapac, Mama Euntu and Mama 
Ocllo. The Incas were in their ceremonial dresses, 
and wore the llautu. 

On January 23, 1560, the Inca Garcilasso left 
Cuzco never to return. There are a few glimpses 
of the young exile during his journey. His first 
halt was at Marca Huasi, nine leagues from Cuzco, 
an estate owned by Pedro Lopez de Cagalla, 
secretary to La Gasca. The manager took him 
over the vineyards, but did not offer him any 
grapes, for which he was longing. The excuse 
was that they were grown to make wine, to compete 
for a prize. Garcilasso next turns up in the 
valley of Huarcu, or Cafiete, on the coast, where 
he hears of the wonderful harvests of wheat. 
On the voyage he was becalmed for three days 
off Cape Pasaos, in 0'20° S. He mentions being 
at Panama and Carthagena, and in 1562 he was 
at Madrid, where he saw Hernando Pizarro and 
Las Casas. The good Bishop gave the young 
mestizo his hand to kiss, but when he found that 
the youth was from Peru, and not from Mexico, 
he had little to say to him. 

T 2 


Garcilasso de la Vega does not appear to have 
been welcomed with any very great amount of 
cordiality by his grand relations in Spain. How 
he must have regretted his happy boyhood at 
Cuzco, and the loss of all his friends ! At first 
he got some letters from his cousin Figueroa, 
and his Inca uncle, Hualpa Tupac Yupanqui. 

The young Inca made an application for the 
restitution of the patrimony of his mother, and 
for a recognition of his father's faithful services. 
It was referred to the Council of the Indies, and 
the members were convinced by his proofs until 
an ill-natured lawyer named Lope Garcia de Castro 
intervened. He was afterwards Governor of Peru 
from 1564 to 1569. He asked the Inca what favour 
he could expect when his father was at the battle 
of Huarina helping Gonzalo Pizarro. Garcilasso 
replied that it was false. Castro then said that 
three historians had affirmed it, and who was 
he to deny what they said ? So his petition was 
rejected. His best friend at this sad time, and 
for long afterwards, was Don Alonzo Fernandez 
de Cordova, Lord of the House of Aguilar, and 
Marquis of Priego, a Figueroa cousin of Garcilasso 
on his grandmother's side. 

The Inca obtained a captaincy in the army of 
Philip II, and served in the campaign against the 
Moriscos under Don Juan of Austria. He soon 
afterwards left a military life, poor and in debt, 
and devoted himself to literary pursuits. His 
first production was a translation from the Italian 


of the ' Dialogues of Love ' by a Jew named 
Abarbanel, who wrote under the nom de plume of 
El Leon Ebreo. The Inca's translation was pub- 
lished in 1590. The dedication to the King 
contains a full account of Garcilasso's Inca lineage. 

His next work was a narrative of the expedition 
of Hernando de Soto in Florida, which he com- 
pleted in 1591. He is said to have got his informa- 
tion chiefly from the accounts of an old soldier 
who served with de Soto. It was first published 
at Lisbon in 1605, and reprinted several times. 
The best edition is that of 1722. 

Don Pascual de Gayangos gave me a curious 
manuscript written by the Inca, which appears 
to have been intended for a dedicatory epistle 
to be placed at the beginning of the Inca's work 
on Florida. It is addressed to the head of the 
Vargas family, and consists of a full genealogical 
account of the house of Vargas, followed by an 
abstract of the contents of the work on Florida, 
and an explanation of the system adopted by the 
author in its division into six books. In the 
genealogical part there are several interesting 
digressions, both personal and historical. 

We gather from this document that his uncle, 
Don Alonzo de Vargas, a military officer of long 
and varied service, being childless, adopted the 
Inca as his heir. 

For many years before his death Garcilasso 
had lived in a hired house in the city of Cordova— 
' mi pobre casa de alquiler.' He was never married. 


As years rolled on he began to think more of 
the land of his birth, and, as we can gather from 
the above document, he had resolved to write the 
story of his native land in 1596, the date of the 
document. 1 

In that or the next year a Jesuit residing at 
Cordova, named Maldonado de Saavedra, a native 
of Seville, gave the Inca the history of Peru by 
Bias Valera, a manuscript written in most elegant 
Latin. The Inca says that only one half was 
rescued from pillage during the sack of Cadiz by 
the English. But the priests were allowed to 
take their papers with them, and Dr. Gonzalez de 
la Rosa thinks that Garcilasso received the history 
intact. He speaks with great respect of the 
knowledge and learning of Bias Valera, quoting 
twenty-one passages from his work, most of them 
long and important. For a narrative of the events 
of each Inca's reign, Garcilasso wrote to his old 
schoolfellows asking them to help him by sending 
him accounts of conquests of the Incas in the 
countries of their mothers, for each province has 
its quipus and recorded annals and traditions. 
He adds that they sent them to him, and that 
he thus got the records of the deeds of the Incas. 
His great friend Diego de Alcobasa had become a 
priest, and he sent a valuable account of the ruins 

l * I shall enter upon it more fully in the proper descent and 
history of those Kings Incas, if God gives me strength, and if evil 
fortune does not pursue me — but it always seems to thwart me 
in what I most desire.' 


of Tiahuanacu. But Garcilasso mentions no others 
by name. The cruel edict of Toledo had banished 
and scattered his mestizo schoolfellows. It is 
difficult to avoid a suspicion that the narratives of 
historical events are based on the history of Bias 
Valera and unacknowledged, and not on communi- 
cations from his schoolfellows. Garcilasso further 
says that his plan is to relate what he heard in 
his childhood from his mother and her relations 
respecting the origin of the Incas. 

His work is divided into two parts, the first 
containing a history of the Incas and their civilisa- 
tion, and the second being a record of the Spanish 
conquest and subsequent civil wars. The title is, 
' The Royal Commentaries of Peru.' The first part 
received the approval and licence of the Inquisition 
in 1604, and was published at Lisbon in 1609, 
dedicated to the Duchess of Braganza. The second 
part appeared at Cordova in 1617, after the author's 
death, ' by the widow of Andres Barrera and at 
her cost.' 

The work is, in fact, a commentary to a large 
extent. For events, and accounts of religious rites 
and customs, he quotes largely from other authors, 
sometimes adding criticisms of their statements. 
The authors he quotes are : Bias Valera, twenty-one 
times ; Cieza de Leon, thirty times ; Acosta, twenty- 
seven times ; Gomara, eleven times ; Zarate, nine 
times ; Fernandez twice ; and his friends Alcobasa 
and Figueroa seven times. His own personal 
reminiscences are by far the most interesting 


passages, and they are scattered about everywhere 
throughout both parts. 

The ' Royal Commentaries ' were, until quite 
recently, the most valued authority for Peruvian 
civilisation and the history of the Incas. The 
position of the writer as an Inca on the mother's side, 
the fulness of detail both as regards the history and 
the manners, customs, and religion of the people, 
and the peculiar charm of his style fully account 
for the position his work held for so long. Prescott 
quotes Garcilasso twice as often as any other 
authority. But the Inca was writing forty years 
after he had left the country. Sarmiento now, 
to a great extent, supersedes his history. Molina, 
Morua, Bias Valera, Salcamayhua, and other writers 
whose works have recently come to light, are more 
reliable as regards the religion and manners and 
customs of the people, because they wrote on the 
spot and with fuller knowledge. Dr. Gonzalez de la 
Rosa has shown reason for questioning Garcilasso's 
integrity as regards the use of the manuscript of 
Bias Valera. Yet, in spite of all this, the Inca 
will continue to be an important authority, while the 
charm of his personal reminiscences must ever have 
a fascination for his readers from which no criticism 
can detract. 

The Inca must have led a somewhat lonely 
bachelor's life at Cordova, yet it can scarcely have 
been an unhappy one, when his occupation filled 
him constantly with happy remembrances of his 
boyhood. He had the pleasure of welcoming 


at least one of his schoolfellows. This was Juan 
Arias Maldonado, son of Maldonado the rich. 
He had been robbed of his estates and driven out 
of the country by the cruel tyrant Toledo. He 
had obtained leave to return to Peru for three 
years, to recover some of his property. Before 
sailing he came to the Inca at Cordova with his 
wife. They were in great poverty, and the Inca 
gave them all the white clothing he possessed, and 
much cloth and taffeta. They reached the bay 
of Payta, where Juan Arias died of joy at once 
more seeing his native land. 

In 1603 the Inca was deeply interested in the 
efforts of his mother's family to obtain some small 
modicum of justice. Melchior Carlos Inca, the son 
of his unfortunate old schoolfellow Carlos Inca, 
accompanied by Don Alonso de Mesa, son of one 
of the best of the conquerors, had come to Spain to 
petition for his rights. The few surviving Incas 
wrote to empower Garcilasso, Alonso de Mesa, and 
Melchior to act for them in striving to obtain 
immunity for them from many vexatious and 
ruinous imposts. They also sent proofs of their 
descent painted on a yard and a half of white silk 
of China, with the Incas in their ancient dresses. 
The covering letter was dated April 16, 1603, and 
signed by four Incas, each one representing an 
ayllu. There were then 567 1 agnates of the royal 

i The 5 should certainly be 2, but 267 would include descendants 
of all Orejones, not only Inca agnates. There were 83 Incas 
who were witnesses for Sarmiento's history, and 118 of Toledo's 


family. In 1604 Melchior Carlos Inca received a 
grant of 7500 ducats a year in perpetuity from 
the Lima treasury, and was invested with the order 
of Santiago. He was not allowed to return to Peru, 
and he died at Alcala de Henares in 1610. His 
only son died in the same year, and thus the main 
line of Prince Paullu became extinct. 1 Nothing 
could be effected for the Inca petitioners. Most 
of them, with many of their mestizo relations, 
perished in misery and exile. 

Garcilasso Inca de la Vega was a devoted son 
of the Church. In his last years he was much 
occupied in the preparation of a side-chapel in the 
cathedral of Cordova for his interment. It was to 
be dedicated to the souls in purgatory. From 
his will 3 we gather that his house was fairly well 
furnished, that he had a gold jewel inlaid with a 
diamond, and a grandfather's clock. His plate for 
table and sideboard was sufficient for his rank, 
and his accoutrements during the Morisco war' 
were hanging on his walls : a cutlass, a battle-axe, 

witnesses, not all Incas, making 200. This allows for 67 not called 

i Dr. Justo Sahuaraura, Archdeacon of Cuzco, claimed that 
Melchior Carlos Inca had a brother named Bartolome Quispe 
Atauchi, from whom he was descended in the male line down to 
Luis Ramos Titu Atauchi, a lawyer at Cuzco, who died childless. 
Maria, the sister of Luis Ramos, is said to have married Nicolas 
Sahuaraura, who was the father of Dr. Justo Sahuaraura. Dr. 
Justo was in the battle of Ayacuoho as a young man, and afterwards 
took orders. He died in 1853. I knew his nieces. 

2 Krst discovered by Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa, who obtained a 
copy from the ' Arohivo ' de Protocolos at Cordova in 1908. 


an engraved helmet, a halberd, and spurs. A cage 
with five canary birds hung by the old man's 
chair. There were two bookcases and a stand for 
papers. On September 18, 1612, he had bought 
the chapel in the cathedral from the Bishop, and 
he left a number of other legal documents, including 
the will of his uncle and guardian, Alonzo de Vargas, 
dated 1570. The Inca was well supplied with linen 
sheets and pillow-cases for his beds, as well as 
mattresses and counterpanes. 

The old Inca's household consisted of Diego de 
Vargas, whom he had brought up, Beatriz de Vega, 
a captive slave named Marina de Cordova, Maria 
de Prados, an orphan child brought up by him, 
and a lad named Francisco. By his will he 
emancipated Marina, and left them all small 
pensions, their beds and chests, and all the wheat, 
bacon, and wine in the house, to be divided equally. 

Masses were to be said daily in his mortuary 
chapel, a lamp was to be kept burning in it, and 
there was to be a salary for the sacristan. Funds 
were provided of which the Dean and Chapter 
were appointed trustees. 

The Inca Garcilasso de la Vega died in his house 
in the parish of Santa Maria in Cordova on April 22, 
1616, just ten days after his seventy-seventh 
birthday. He was buried in the chapel he had 
purchased and restored, in the cathedral of Cor- 
dova. Visitors are fascinated by the wonderful 
beauty of the interior, with its forests of pillars, 
with its memories of the Beni Umeyyah, and the 


exquisite Mihrab of Hakem II. Perhaps a few may 
find time to give a thought to the good old Inca. 
His chapel is on the north side, the third from the 
east. His arms are over the iron grating and gate. 
On the dexter side are Vargas quartering Figueroa, 
Saavedra, and Mendoza, and impaling the arms 
granted to the Incas. These are azure two serpents 
supporting a rainbow from their mouths, from 
which hangs the llautu, in chief a sun and moon. 
The stone covering the tomb is in the centre of the 
little chapel. The epitaph painted on boards is on 
each side of the altar. On the gospel side : 

' The Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, a distinguished 
man worthy of perpetual memory, illustrious in blood, well 
versed in letters, valiant in arms. Son of Garcilasso de la 
Vega of the ducal houses of Feria and Infantado, and of 
Elizabeth Palla, sister of Huaina Ccapac, last Emperor 
of Peru. He edited La Florida, translated Leon Ebreo, 
composed the Royal Commentaries.' 

On the epistle side : 

' He lived very religiously in Cordova, died, and was 
buried in this chapel. He closed up his estate in a chain 
for the good of souls in purgatory, being perpetual trustees 
the Dean and Chapter of this holy church. He died on the 
22nd of April, 1616/ 

' Pray to God for his soul.' 

A lamp hangs from the roof, and is always 
kept burning, night and day, in accordance with the 
clause in the Inca's will. 



The terrible doom of the unfortunate Peruvians 
and their beloved Incas was now inevitable. It 
came upon them in one crushing blow a very little 
more than ten years after the departure of the 
Inca Garcilasso de la Vega for Europe. On the 
death of Sayri Tupac, his brother Titu Cusi Yupanqui 
was acclaimed as sovereign Inca in Vilcapampa — 
a man of very different mould. Juan de Betanzos 
and Rodriguez were sent to persuade him to follow 
his elder brother's example, but without effect. 
He was firm in the resolve to maintain his inde- 
pendence. 1 

The Inca Garcilasso's old schoolfellow, Carlos 
Inca, had succeeded his father, Prince Paullu, at the 
palace of the Colcampata, and was married to a 
Spanish lady born in Peru,named Maria de Esquivel. 
Little of the palace now remains, but it is a very 
interesting spot and closely connected with the 
last days of the Incas. 

l A letter dictated by Titu Cusi Yupanqui and addressed to 
the licentiate Castro (who was Governor of Peru from 1564 to 1569) 
has been unearthed and will be published, 



High above the city, of which there is an exten- 
sive view bounded by the snowy peak of Vilcanota, 
and at the foot of the precipitous ascent to the 
fortress, is the small open space before the little 
church of San Cristoval. On the north side 
was the palace. On a terrace with a stone revet- 
ment, one may still see a wall built of stones of 
various sizes fitting exactly one into the other. 
It is seventy-four yards long and sixteen feet high. 
In this wall there are eight recesses at equal dis- 
tances, resembling doorways. They are too shallow 
to be used for shelter — only two and a half inches. 
They could not have been used as doors, for this 
wall is a revetment. One only is a doorway. They 
are not likely to have been merely ornamental. 
I think that these recesses contained sacred or 
royal emblems of some kind. The point is interest- 
ing, as there are exactly the same walls at the palaces 
of Chinchero, Limatambo, and Yucay. 

The third recess from the west is a doorway 
leading to a steep narrow staircase. Above there is 
a platform, now a maize-field, on a level with the 
top of the recessed wall, once a garden leading to 
and fronting the palace itself. The remains of the 
palace are now of very small extent. They consist 
of a wall of admirably worked masonry forty feet 
long and ten and a half feet high. The stones are 
beautifully cut in perfect parallelograms, all of the 
same height but varying in length, fitting exactly 
one to the other. The wall contains a doorway 
and a window. The sides of the doorway support 


a stone lintel nearly eight feet long, while a stone 
of similar length forms the doorstep. The window 
is nearly 6 ft. from the ground, 2 ft. 3 in. broad, 
by 2 ft. 8 in. high. The foundations and parts of 
the wall continue for 65 ft. ; and behind there are 
three terraces planted with fruit trees, up to the 
base of the steep ascent, on the summit of which 
the citadel once stood. 

The palace was the work of the great Inca 
Pachacuti at the time when he was remodelling 
the whole city. 1 In imagination we can rebuild 
the palace from these ruins, with its approach 
through the revetment wall, its beautiful gardens 
and terraces, its long facade of exactly fitting 
masonry, and its great hall, which we are told by 
Garcilasso was intact in his time. Pachacuti 
called it the Llactapata, and desired to be interred 
there. The more modern term Colcampata may 
have been given owing to granaries (colca) having 
been placed there at some later time. 

Here dwelt Carlos Inca with his wife Maria de 
Esquivel, as the head of the section of his family 
that had submitted to the Spaniards. His relations, 
driven from their homes in the city, lived in the 
suburbs and the neighbouring villages. The Inca 
received frequent visits from them, and appears to 
have held a somewhat melancholy court. Carlos 
was the depositary of a great secret. Between the 
time when the transmission of Atahualpa's ransom 

l It is attributed to the mythical Manco Coapae. The masonry 
and style of building show this to be impossible. 


was stopped, owing to his murder, and the arrival 
of Pizarro at Cuzco, the respite was employed in 
secretly concealing the vast treasure still remaining 
in Cuzco and the neighbourhood, which amounted 
to millions. It included the great golden statue 
which was the Huauqui of the Inca Huayna Ccapac, 
and of course was never found. It was very 
fortunate for Carlos Inca that the Spaniards did 
not know of the secret, or that he was its depositary. 
It is said that once, when his wife taunted him with 
his poverty, Carlos led her, under promise of 
secrecy, blindfold to the secret place, and took her 
breath away at the sight of such vast treasure. 
He handed the secret down to a successor when he 
went into exile. 1 

l Tradition told by Felipe de Pomares. Squier had a copy of 
the MS., which is in the British Museum. 

My friend, the Sefiora Astete de Bennett was the daughter of 
Colonel Pablo Astete of Cuzco, descended from that Miguel Astete 
who went with Hernando Pizarro to Pachacamac, and wrote an 
interesting report of the expedition. Colonel Astete was a friend 
of Tupac Amaru, who rose against the Spaniards in 1782, and of 
the Cacique Pumacagua, who rose against them in 1815. 

My friend remembered Pumacagua as a very short old man, 
with a long nose and bright eyes. He could hardly speak Spanish, 
but could write it perfectly. In 1815 he was seventy-seven. He was 
shown the immense concealed wealth of the Incas by an Indian who 
had inherited the secret. Led up the bed of the river Huatanay 
for a long distance, blindfold and in the night, he suddenly found 
himself surrounded by vases, cups, plates, ingots, and great statues, 
all of pure gold, in incredible profusion. He only took what was 
urgently needed to equip his troops. Keturning to Cuzco, he went 
straight to Colonel Astete's house. The Sefiora Astete told me 
that she could remember his coming into the room with the gold, 
and wet through, to relate bis adventures. His conductor was 
the last who knew the secret, for when Pumacagua was killed 


It is now time to introduce the villain of the 
piece. Don Francisco de Toledo was a younger 
son of the Count of Oropesa, belonging to a family 
of which the butcher Alva was the head. Don 
Francisco was advanced in years when he came 
to Peru as Viceroy in 1569, and resolved to visit 
every part of the vast territory under his rule. 
He was accompanied by Agustin de la Coruna, 
Bishop of Popayan, the author Josef de Acosta, the 
lawyers Polo de Ondegardo and Juan de Matienza, 
the cosmographer Pedro Sarmiento, the secretary 
Navamuel, and some others. Toledo was an 
indefatigable worker, but excessively narrow- 
minded, cruel and pitiless. One of his ideas was 
to prove that the King of Spain had a right to 
Peru because the Incas were usurpers. With 
this object he examined a number of leading 
Indians at every place he stopped at, but they 
were not Amomtas versed in history, and their 
evidence is of little or no value. He sent it all 
to Spain in reports which have recently been 
published. 1 This Viceroy arrived at Cuzco early 

he despaired of his country, and died without revealing it to a 

Mateo Garcia Pumacagua, Cacique of Chinchero, was defeated by 
the Spanish General Ramirez at Umachiri on March 4, 1815, taken 
prisoner and hanged. His rebellion was the forerunner of independence. 

My old friend the Sefiora Astete hoped that the Inca treasure 
would never be found. ' No one deserves it,' she said. 

l Informaciones a cerca del senorio y gdbierno de los Ingas hechas 
por mandado de Don Francisco de Toledo, 1570-1572. Printed in the 
same volume as Montesinos and edited by Jimenez de la Espada 
(Madrid, 1882). 


in the year 1571. There were bull fights, tourna- 
ments, and other displays in his honour. 

At nearly the same time the wife of Don Carlos 
Inca gave birth to a son and heir, and the Viceroy 
was requested to be godfather to the child, and 
' compadre ' or gossip to its parents. He consented, 
and the baptismal ceremony took place in the 
little church of San Cristoval. This edifice is 
built of ancient masonry, and must once have been 
part of the palace. The child received the names 
of Carlos Melchior. All the ayllus of the Incas 
were present, and when the company adjourned to 
the palace there were rejoicings, dances, fireworks, 
and ' many newly invented and costly conceits.' 
The Viceroy came up the staircase in the revetment 
wall into the gardens of the palace, like a bird of 
evil omen, guarded by halberdiers. He is portrayed 
as a short dark man of fifty, with narrow forehead, 
hawk's nose, black eyes, and a saturnine expression. 
He would have been in a black velvet suit, with 
the green cross of Alcantara embroidered on his 
doublet — certainly a wet blanket. 

It is alleged that the Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui, 
with his young brother Tupac Amaru, was present 
and mingled among the crowd of guests. He was 
impressed with the ceremony, and soon afterwards 
sent envoys to Cuzco to request that persons 
might be sent to him to instruct him in the Christian 
religion. Two friars named Juan de Vivero, who 
had baptised Sayri Tupac and was Prior of the 
Augustine convent, and Diego Ortiz, also one of 


the Augustine order, were despatched with three 
laymen as companions, and a mestizo servant 
named Pando. Diego Eodriguez de Figueroa also 
came as Chief Magistrate and leader of the party, 
which entered the fastnesses of Vilcapampa and 
was well received. Rodriguez wrote an account 
of the mission, which has been preserved. He 
describes how, when courtiers entered to the 
presence of Titu Cusi, they first did mucha or 
reverence to the sun and then to the Inca. The 
Spaniards used all the arts of persuasion they 
possessed to induce Titu Cusi to follow the example 
of his brother and surrender to the conquerors. 
This he would not do. He temporised and pro- 
crastinated for so long that the embassy returned. 
Friar Ortiz and Pando remained behind. The 
Inca had been baptised by Father Vivero, receiving 
the name of Felipe. 

Then the Inca had a mortal illness. Pando, 
the interpreter, had told wonderful stories about 
the miraculous powers of the Christian priests, so 
Friar Ortiz was ordered to restore the Inca to 
health ; and he began to say daily masses. The 
Inca died, and as the fault was naturally supposed 
to be with the priest and his interpreter, they were 
put to death. 1 Meanwhile another embassy was 

1 It need not be believed that they were tortured. When monks 
have to treat of a ' martyrdom ' or a miracle, especially in connection 
with their own order, no exaggeration is too wild for them. There 
could be no evidence except from the Indians, and they would 
not have spoken unless under the excruciating pain of torture 

v 2 


sent before the news of the Inca's death had 
arrived. The chiefs were thoroughly alarmed, and 
when the envoy Atilano de Aiiaya attempted to 
force an entrance by the bridge of Chuqui-chaca he 
also was put to death. 

The deceased Inca was jealous of his younger 
brother, Tupac Amaru, and confined him in the 
House of the Sun, in accordance with an ancient 
usage, keeping him secluded, on the ground of his 
inexperience. Tupac Amaru, who, judging from 
the date of his father's death must have been at 
least twenty-five years of age, was already married 
and had two daughters and a little son. After 
the deaths of Ortiz, Pando, and Aiiaya, the chiefs 
brought Tupac Amaru out of his seclusion, so that 
he was not responsible for these deaths, and was 
indeed perfectly innocent. He was acclaimed as 
Soyereign.Jjioa. The llautu, or fringe, was placed 
on his head, the yacolla, or mantle, was fastened 
over his shoulders, the cldpana, or bracelet, was 
clasped round his wrist. Then the achihua, or 
parasol, was held over him while he was invested 
with the tumi, or knife, chuqui, or lance, huallcanca, 
or shield, and usuta, or shoes. Finally he was 
carried in the huantuy, or Utter, to the tiana, or throne, 
and was solemnly crowned with the mascapaycha, 
or imperial head-dress, over the llautu. 

The deaths of Ortiz and Pando furnished the 
Viceroy Toledo with an excuse for the invasion 
and conquest of Vilcapampa. He assembled as 
large a force as he could muster, which was placed 


under the command of Martin Hernando de Arbieto, 
a veteran of the civil wars. His captains were Juan 
Alvarez Maldonado, father of Garcilasso's school- 
fellow; Martin Garcia de Loyola, captain of the 
Viceroy's bodyguard; Mancio Serra de Leguisamo, 
father of another of Garcilasso's schoolfellows; 
and nine others. They marched down the valley of 
Vilcamayu to the bridge of Chuqui-chaca, which 
is the key of Vilcapampa by the western door. 
Another force watched the outlets on the side of 
Apancay and the Apurimac. The Incas made 
some resistance, and then retreated to their camp 
under a heavy fire of arquebuses and field-pieces. 
Next day the Indians fled along a narrow path, 
with dense undergrowth on one side and a precipice 
on the other. The Spaniards followed, often in 
single file. At one place a gallant chief named 
Hualpa rushed out of the bushes, and grappled 
with Loyola, who led the vanguard. While they 
were struggling together, a servant named Carrillo 
drew Loyola's sword and killed Hualpa from 
behind. It was a lucky but not a chivalrous escape 
for the Knight of Calatrava. The pursuit was 
continued. The young Inca was making his 
way, by a valley called Simaponte, to the friendly 
Mafiari Indians in the montana. They had 
placed canoes on a river to enable him to 

Loyola went in chase with fifty men and over- 
took the fugitives, who were captured, after a brief 
resistance, on October 4, 1571. When at last 


General Arbieto was satiated with, the slaughter of 
unarmed Indians, he marched back to Cuzco with 
the Inca Tupac Amaru, his family and chiefs, as 
prisoners. They dressed the young sovereign in 
his imperial robes and headgear, put a rope round 
his neck, and so brought him before Toledo, a 
most ignoble triumph. Don Carlos Inca had been 
lawlessly driven out of the Colcampata in order 
to convert it into a prison, and here the Inca was 
confined. There was a mock trial, presided over 
by one of Toledo's creatures named Gabriel de 
Loarte, who condemned the Inca to be beheaded 
and all his chiefs to be hanged. The chiefs were 
tortured with such savage brutality that they 
died in the streets before they could reach the 
gallows, and the executioners had to hang the 
dead bodies. 

The unfortunate young Inca was beset by monks 
in his prison, and, at the end of two days, he was 
baptised. On the third day he was led forth 
from the Colcampata, and through the streets to 
the great square, accompanied by four priests, one 
being Father Cristoval de Molina, the Quichua 
scholar and author. The scaffold was built in 
front of the cathedral. The open spaces and 
streets were densely crowded with sorrowing 
Indians. When the Inca ascended the scaffold 
with the priests, the executioner, a Cafiari Indian, 
brought out the knife. ' Then,' wrote an eye- 
witness, " the whole crowd of natives raised such a 


cry of grief that it seemed as if the day of judgment 
had come.' Many invoked their most venerated 
huaca, and cried out : 

'Ay Huanacauri maytam eicuy sapra aucachic 


' Huanacauri ! behold where the wicked and cruel 
enemies cut the neck of the Inca. 5 

Even the Spaniards were horrified, for all knew 
that the young man was innocent, and had com- 
mitted no offence. 

Things being in this state, all the chief digni- 
taries of the Church hurried to the Viceroy. They 
were the Bishop of Popayan, the Provincials of 
all the religious orders, and the Rector of the 
Jesuits. They went down on their knees and 
entreated the ruthless Toledo to show mercy and 
spare the life of the Inca. They urged that he 
should be sent to Spain to be judged by the King 
in person. But no prayers could prevail with the 
obstinate, pitiless man. Juan de Soto, chief 
officer of the court, was sent on horseback with a 
pole to clear the way, galloping furiously and 
riding down the people. He ordered the Inca's 
head to be cut off at once, in the name of the 

Tupac Amaru was told that the time had come. 
He took one step forward and raised his right arm. 
Instantly there was profound silence. He then 
said in a loud voice : 



* righteous God ! behold how my enemies shed my 
blood.' i 

According to the picture by Huaman Poma, the 
Inca was then thrown on his back, his arms and 
legs were held by two men, and a third cut his 
throat. There was a great and bitter cry from 
the vast multitude. The head was cut off, and 
stuck on a pole. The Inca's body was carried to 
the house of his mother, the Queen Cusi Huarcay. 
All the bells in the city were tolled. Next day 
the body was interred in the high chapel of the 
cathedral, the service being performed by the 
chapter. Pontifical mass was said by the good 
Bishop of Popayan. Next day all the funeral 
honours were repeated, and the masses were sung 
with the organ. 

The Inca's head remained on a pole in the 
great square. Mancio Serra de Leguisamo passed 
that night in a house to the right of the cathedral. 
He awoke just before dawn and thought he heard 

i These were certainly the last words of Tupac Amaru, as they 
were handed down in the family. Two eye-witnesses have told 
the story — Captain Baltasar de Ocampo, and Friar Gabriel de 
Oviedo, Prior of the Dominicans at Cuzco. The latter could not 
have heard what was said, because he had gone with the others 
to intercede with the Viceroy. Ocampo gives a childish speech 
about his mother having once put a malediction on her son for 
some naughtiness, and how the curse was coming true. He may 
have told a tale of the kind, but not at such a moment. Oviedo 
makes him deliver an address on the false nature of idolatry. This 
might have come from a monk in a pulpit, but not from a young 
man preparing for death. He could not speak Spanish. 


a noise such as would be caused by a vast multitude. 
He got up and looked out. To his utter amazement, 
the whole square was covered with a closely packed 
crowd, all kneeling, and all offering mucha or 
reverence to the Inca's head. He reported this 
surprising incident to the Viceroy, who promptly 
ordered the head to be buried with the body. -. 

Thus ended the famous dynasty of the Incas. 
It formed a line of wise and capable sovereigns 
ruling a vast empire on such principles, and with 
such capacity and wisdom as the world has never 
seen before or since. Assuredly the story of their 
rise, their government, and their sorrowful end is 
worthy of study. 

' The execrable regicide,' as Toledo is called on 
the Inca Pedigrees, was not yet satisfied. He had 
driven Carlos Inca from his property regardless of 
right or law. He now banished him to Lima 
without any suitable provision. With him were 
expelled his brother Felipe Inca, the clever pupil 
of Grarcilasso's school days, and thirty-five more of 
the principal Incas. They all perished miserably 
and in poverty. Saddest of all was the fate of 
four poor little Inca children ; neither their tender 
age nor their innocence saved them from Toledo's 
inhuman persecution. They were Quispi Titu, the 
son of the Inca Cusi Titu Yupanqui, little Martin, 
son of the murdered Inca Tupac Amaru, and his 
two daughters, Magdalena and Juana. The boys 
were received in the house of Don Martin Ampuero 
of Lima, son of Francisco Ampuero and his wife, 


who was daughter of Francisco Pizarro by the 
Princess Inez, daughter of Huayna Ccapac. But 
both the exiled boys died young. 

The forlorn little girls, Magdalena and Juana 
Tupac Amaru, were kindly received in the house 
of Dr. Loaysa, the first Archbishop of Lima, who 
took charge of them. Juana married the Curaca 
of Surimani, named Condorcanqui, from whom 
descended the ill-fated Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui, 
who took the name of Tupac Amaru and headed 
a rising against the Spaniards in 1782. 

The inhuman Viceroy was not even yet satisfied. 
He aimed at the extirpation of every branch of 
the royal family of Peru. He next decreed the 
banishment of all the mestizos, those bright and 
happy lads who were the schoolfellows of the Inca 
Garcilasso. A few, having taken orders, were 
overlooked. The rest were sent to perish in the 
swamps of Darien, or the frozen wilds of Southern 
Chile. This persecution of the mestizos was as 
stupid as it was cruel, for excellent service might 
have been got from them by a wise administrator. 

Toledo remained for six more years in Peru, 
making an almost endless number of laws and 
ordinances, until they filled a large volume. They 
were worse than useless, for no attention was paid 
to the few just and good rules amongst them, 
while the wisdom and statesmanship of the majority 
may be judged from a few specimens taken at 
random : 

' Any Indian who makes friendship with an Indian 


woman who is an infidel, is to receive one hundred lashes, 
for the first offence, that being the punishment they dislike 

Indians shall no longer use surnames taken from the 
moon, birds, animals, serpents, or rivers, which they 
formerly used. 

' No Indian shall be elected for any office who has been 
punished for idolatry, worshipping huacas, dancing, 
mourning, or singing in memory of infidel rites, offering 
up chicha, coca, or burnt fat, or for dancing the dance 
called Ayrihua.' 

Toledo's term of office came to an end in Sep- 
tember 1581, a period of nearly twelve years. It 
was generally reported that he was received with 
coldness by King Philip II, who told him that he 
was not sent out to kill Kings but to serve Kings. 
Huaman Poma depicts the retired Viceroy sitting 
in a chair in a state of extreme despondency. This 
report would be very satisfactory if true. But 
there is some evidence that Toledo's general policy 
was approved, although fault may have been found 
with some of the details. 

There can be no doubt of the disastrous results 
of the ruthless administration of such men as 
Toledo, and of the Spanish rule. The last survivor 
of the original conquerors has given his testimony 
with no uncertain sound. Mancio Serra de Legui- 
samo signed his will at Cuzco on September 18, 
1589, with the following preamble : 

' First, and before I begin my testament, I declare 
that for many years I have desired to take order for in- 
forming the Catholic and Royal Majesty of the King Don 


Felipe our Lord, seeing how Catholic and most Christian 
he is, and how zealous for the service of God our Lord, 
touching what is needed for the health of my soul, seeing 
that I took a great part in the discovery, conquest, and 
settlement of these kingdoms, when we drove out those who 
were the Lords Incas and who possessed and ruled them 
as their own. We placed them under the royal crown, and 
his Catholic Majesty should understand that we found 
these kingdoms in such order, and the said Incas governed 
them in such wise that throughout them there was not 
a thief, nor a vicious man, nor an adulteress, nor was a 
bad woman admitted among them, nor were there immoral 
people. The men had honest and useful occupations. 
The lands, forests, mines, pastures, houses, and all kinds 
of products were regulated and distributed in such sort 
that each one knew his property without any other person 
seizing or occupying it, nor were there law suits respecting 
it. The operations of war, though they were numerous, 
never interfered with the interests of commerce nor with 
agriculture. All things from the greatest to the most 
minute had their proper place and order. The Incas were 
feared, obeyed and respected by their subjects, as men 
very capable and well versed in the art of government. 
As in these rulers we found the power and command as 
well as the resistance, we subjugated them for the service 
of God our Lord, took away their land, and placed it under 
the royal crown, and it was necessary to deprive them 
entirely of power and command, for we had seized their 
goods by force of arms. By the intervention of our Lord 
it was possible for us to subdue these kingdoms containing 
such a multitude of people and such riches, and of their 
lords we made our servants and subjects. 

' As is seen, and as I wish your Majesty to understand, 
the motive which obliges me to make this statement is the 
discharge of my conscience, as I find myself guilty. For 


we have destroyed by our evil example, the people who 
had such a government as was enjoyed by these natives. 
They were so free from the committal of crimes or excesses, 
as well men as women, that the Indian who had 100,000 
pesos worth of gold and silver in his house, left it open 
merely placing a small stick across the door, as a sign that 
its master was out. With that, according to their custom, 
no one could enter nor take anything that was there. 
When they saw that we put locks and keys on our doors, 
they supposed that it was from fear of them, that they 
might not kill us, but not because they believed that any 
one would steal the property of another. So that when 
they found that we had thieves amongst us, and men who 
sought to make their daughters commit sin, they despised 
us. But now they have come to such a pass, in offence of 
God, owing to the bad example that we have set them in 
all things, that these natives from doing no evil, have 
changed into people who now do no good or very little. 

' This needs a remedy, and it touches your Majesty 
for the discharge of your conscience, and 1 inform you, being 
unable to do more, 1 pray to God to pardon me, for I am 
moved to say this, seeing that I am the last to die of all 
the conquerors and discoverers, as is well known. Now 
there is no one but myself in this kingdom or out of it, and 
with this I do what I can to discharge my conscience. 

' I had a figure of the sun made of gold, placed by the 
Incas in the House of the Sun at Cuzco, which is now the 
convent of San Domingo. I believe it was worth 2000 
•pesos, 1 and with what I got at Caxamarca and in Cuzco, 

1 This was not, as is generally supposed, the great image of the 
sun on the wall of the temple, a mass of gold worth fifty times 
2000 pesos. The great sun was never found, and is still concealed 
with the rest of the Inca treasure. There was a great hollowed 
stone in the temple, of an octangular shape outside, about 4J feet 
wide and 4 feet deep. Offerings of chicha were poured into this 


my share was worth 12,000 pesos. Yet I die poor and 
with many children. 1 beseech your Majesty to have 
pity on them, and God to have pity on my soul.' 

receptacle at the festival of the Raymi, and the opening was 
covered with a plate of gold on which the sun was carved. It was 
this small gold sun that Leguisamo gambled away in a single night. 
But he never touched a card again, married an Inca princess, and 
became a most respectable official in the municipality of the city 
of Cuzco. See Lizarraga, p. 348. 



Brief sketches of the lives of Bias Valera and Montesinos 
are given in my introductory chapter. 1 The credit of the 
list of kings rests mainly on the correctness of the view 
taken of the works of Valera. It is certain that he wrote 
a ' History of Peru ' in Latin. Garcilasso de la Vega tells 
us that the manuscript was injured during the sack of 
Cadiz by the Earl of Essex in 1596. It was given to 
Garcilasso in a mutilated state, according to him. He 
quotes very largely from it, but always acknowledges 
his obligation, and gives high praise to the author. We 
learn from the bibliographers Leon Pinelo and Antonio 
that Bias Valera also wrote a work on the customs and 
pacification of the Indians. In 1879 Don Marcos Jimenez 
de la Espada edited a valuable work on the same subject 
from a manuscript at Madrid, calling the author the 
' anonymous Jesuit/ Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa has since 
proved (Revista Historica de Lima, t. II. trim. ii. p. 184) 
that the anonymous Jesuit was Bias Valera. That high 
authority was also the author of a ' Vocabulario Historico 
del Peru/ which was brought from Cadiz to Chuqui-apu 
(La Paz) in 1604, by the Procurator of the Jesuits, 

l 'Tellers of the Story,' pp. 11 to 14. 


P. Diego Torres. At La Paz it was consulted by Oliva, 
the author of ' Varones illustres de la Compania de Jesus 
en el Peru/ Oliva states that Bias Valera wrote it. 
Montesinos was probably allowed to inake a copy 
by the Jesuits at La Paz. He appropriated the list 
without any acknowledgment. The original MS. is lost. 

The proofs that Bias Valera knew the list, and that he 
was identical with the anonymous Jesuit, are satisfactory. 
Valera (in Garcilasso) mentions one of the kings in the 
list, namely, Capac Raymi Amauta. The anonymous 
Jesuit mentions Pachacuti VIII. This is a proof that 
Montesinos merely copied the list, which was made by 
an author long before his time, and derived from Amautas 
twq generations at least older than any natives that he 
knew. Another proof that Bias Valera was the author 
of the list is furnished by the fact that the account of the 
calendar in Montesinos is the same as that given by Bias 
Valera, as quoted by Garcilasso. The anonymous Jesuit 
mentions Raymi as the thirty-ninth king, and the Inca 
Pachacuti as the ninth of that name. Also the names 
Pirua, Ilia Tici, Uira-cocha, and Pacari Manco are the 
same in Montesinos and in the anonymous Jesuit, and 
nowhere else. The date of the work of the latter is shown 
to be 1591, because he says that when he wrote it was 
twelve years since the Jesuits had a mission at Chachapoyas. 
Oliva states that the Jesuits left that mission in 1579. 

Another proof of the identity is that the anonymous 
Jesuit and Valera (in Garcilasso) both deny the statement 
of Polo de Ondegardo respecting human sacrifices, in 
almost the same words. 

It seems to me, for these reasons, to be established that 
Bias Valera was the anonymous Jesuit, and that he ob- 
tained the list of kings from the Amautas of an early 
generation, which was copied and appropriated, without 
acknowledgment, many years afterwards. 


In compiling the list, Bias Valera had the use of the 
following original authorities : 

The Quipus of Juan Collque, 

of Cuzco, Chinchay-suyu, Cunti-suyu, Tarma, 
Pachacamac, and Saesahuanac ; 

the Narratives of Don Luis Inca, in Quichua, 
of Don Sebastian Nina Uilca, 
of Don Diego Rocca Inca, 
of Francisco Chaves (friend of Titu 

of Ludovico Alvarez (' De Titulo Regni 

Peruani ') ; 

the ' Apologia pro Indis ' of Lie Falcon ; 
all since lost. 

Montesinos believed that Peru was first peopled by 
Armenians under the leadership of Ophir, a descendant 
of Noah ; and his mind was full of a chronology based 
on the date of the deluge approved by Holy Church. 
Starting with all this nonsense, he read the works on 
Peru already published in his time, and finally fell in with 
the list of kings at La Paz. He tried to turn it into 
what he thought was history by adding events taken 
from works on the Inca history, to the bare record of the 
names of kings. Thus he attributes the great Inca 
Pachacuti's Chanca war to one of the earliest kings in the 
list, placed by him a century or so after the deluge. In 
short, having read the history of the Incas in other works, 
and seeing the long list of early kings without any events, 
he took the accounts of Inca events, and of their customs 
and ceremonies, and distributed them among the reigns of 
the ancient kings. 


We may wish that Montesinos had given us the 
unadulterated list with proper acknowledgments, yet a 
tribute of thanks is due to his memory for having 
preserved it even in its present form. 

Old Kings of Peru 
From the List of Montesinos 


/erage 27) 



1300 B.C. 


Pieua Pacaei Manco . 




Manco Capac I 







1000 years from 
the Deluge. 



Pachacuti I 




Inti Capac Yupanqui 



Manco Capac II 



Tupac Capac 


Tini Capac Yupanqui 


Titu Capac Yupanqui 


Inti Capac Pieua 
Amaeu . 



Capac Sayhua Capac . 




Capac Tinia Yupanqui 




Ayar Tacco Capac 



Huascae Titu . 




Quispi Titu 



Titu Yupanqui 
Pachacuti II . 


Titu Capac 




Paullu Ticac Pieua . 
L8 Piruas. 




Old Kings of Peru — continued. 




Lloque Tupac Amauta 



Cayo Manco Amauta 



Huasoae Titu Tupac . 




Manco Capac Amauta 




Ticac Tupac 



Paullu Toto Capac . 



Cayo Manco Amauta . 



Marasco Pachacuti 

III ... 




Paullu Atauchi Capac 



Lloque Yupanqui 




Lloque Ticac . 




Capac Yupanqui 




Tupac Yupanqui 



Auqui Tupac 
Pachacuti IV 



Sinchi Apusqui, also 
called Huarma Uira 





Auqui Quitu Atauchi 




Ayar Manco 



Uira Cocha Capac 



Sinchi Eoca Amauta 



Tupac Amaru Amauta 



Capac Eaymi Amauta i 


Illa Tupac 




Tupac Amaru . 






Toca Corca Apu Capac 



Huampar Sayri Tupac 


2000 years from 
the Deluge. 


Hinac Huilla Amauta 

Pachacuti V . 
Capac Yupanqui 




Mentioned by 

■ Bias Valera and Oliva. 


Mentioned by 

■ Oliva. 

x 2 



Old Kings of Peru — < 




Huampae Sayri Tupac 


Cayo Manco Auqui . 






Inti Capac Amauta . 



Ayar Manco Capac . 


Yahuar Huquiz 



Capac Titu Yupanqui 


Tupac Curi Amauta . 







Tupac Yupanqui 




Illa Tupac Capac 



Titu Eaymi Cozque . 



Huqui Nina Auqui . 


2900 years after 
the Deluge, 1 A.D. 


Manco Capac 


(really 230 A.D.) 


Cayo Manco Capac . 



Sinchi Ayar Manco . 



Huaman Tacco Amauta 



3000 years from 
the Deluge. 


Titu Yupanqui 
Pachacuti VI 

46 Amavtas. 

Kings of Tampu-tocco 



Titu Huaman Quicho 



Cozque Huaman Titu 


Cuis Manco 1 



Huillca Titu . 



Sayri Tupac 





Tupac Yupanqui 



Huayna Tupac . 


Mentioned by Oliva. 




Kings of Tampu-tocco — continued. 


Beign. Age. 








Patjllu Eaymi . 



Manco Capac Amauta 


Auqui Atau Huillca 



Manco Titu Capac . 



Huayna Tupac . 



Tupac Cauei Pachacuti 
VII . . 


3500 years from 
the Deluge, 

450 B.C. 


Eanti Alli (Aeantial) 
Huaei Titu Capac 



Huispa Titu Auqui . 




Toco Cozque 



Ayae Manco . . 








Illa-Toca . 



Lloque Yupanqui 1 . 



Eocca Titu 


4000 years 
after the Deluge, 



Inti Maita Capac 
Pachacuti VIII 




Mama Ciuaco 


Eocca — about 1200 a.d. 


Lloque Yupanqui 1 


Mayta Capac 

Mentioned by Oliva. 


IV. Capac Yupanqui 


VI. Yahuae Huacac Mayta Yupanqui 

VII. Huiea Cocha-Tupac Yupanqui (omits Pachacuti) 

VIII. Tupac Yupanqui 

IX. Huaina Capac (Inti Cusi Hualpa) 

X. Huascar Inti (Cusi Hualpa Yupanqui) 

The lengths of the reigns of 65 of the old kings are 
given, 26 not given. 



The dialects still existing, to some extent, at the time of 
the Spanish conquest, besides the separate Mochica 
language on the coast, were the speech used in the northern 
part of the empire of the Incas, called Chinchay-suyu, 
differing very slightly from the Kuna-simi, and the Cauqui, 
a form of the Chinchay-suyu, spoken by the mountaineers 
of Yauyos. In the Colla-suyu a language was spoken 
which was more distinct, its declining and conjugating 
particles differing from those of the general language, but 
it contained a great number of roots which were the same. 
A wild aquatic tribe, living on fish among the reeds in 
the south-west angle of Lake Titicaca, spoke a dialect 
called Puquina. 

The Spanish administrators, especially the priests, 
at once saw the importance of acquiring a knowledge of 
the highly cultivated Runa-simi, or general language, 
before turning their attention to the dialects. Several 
Spanish soldiers studied and mastered the language, in- 
cluding Juan de Betanzos,husband of Atahualpa's daughter, 
and the only Spanish lay Quichua scholar whose writings 
have reached us. To the priests, some of whom were 
burning with impatience for the means of teaching the 
natives the tenets of their Church, it was a matter of greater 
importance. One of their first duties, as they understood 
them, was to make the language accessible to their fellow 



priests. The very first to undertake the task was a 
Dominican friar named Domingo de Santo Tomas. His 
name occurs several times in the story of the conquest. 
He was an indefatigable inquirer and traveller, even 
studying the difficult Mochica language and founding a 
monastery in the coast region of the Chimu. Santo Tomas 
eventually became Bishop of La Plata. 

This worthy Dominican was the first to construct a 
grammar of the Runa-simi, or general language of Peru, 
which was published at Valladolid in 1560. A second 
edition appeared at Lima in 1586. l Santo Tomas, in 
his title-page, calls the Runa-simi ' the general language 
of the Indians of the kingdom of Peru,' and gives it the 
name of Quichua. But he does not inform his readers of 
the reason for giving it that name. 

The Quichuas formed a group of ayllus or village 
communities in the valley of the Pachachaca. We know 
the area which this group occupied with a fair amount 
of exactness, because places, the positions of which are 
fixed, are mentioned by Sarmiento and others, in relating 
the course of the Incas' conquests, as being in the territory 
of the Quichuas. This Quichua province is small as 
compared with the area over which the general language 
was spoken, nor was it of much importance. It is, there- 
fore, an inappropriate name for the general language of the 
Incas. It can only be supposed that the name was given 
by Santo Tomas because it was in the Quichua province 
that he studied the language. 3 Some name was needed, 
and that first given by Santo Tomas was adopted by 
subsequent grammarians. The Jesuits, who came to 
Peru some thirty years after the Dominicans, devoted 
themselves to the study of the languages. Diego Gonzalez 

1 A reprint was published at Leipzig in 1891. 

2 Mossi derives the name from Quehuariy, to twist rope ; and 
Ychu, grass. 


Holguin was appointed Interpreter-General to the Viceroy 
of Peru on September 10, 1575. He published his vocabu- 
lary of the general language at Lima in 1586, calling it 
' Quichua, or the language of the Inca.' 1 His elaborate 
grammar was published in 1607. 3 Another Jesuit, Diego 
de Torres Rubio, published his ' grammar and vocabulary 
of the general language of Peru, called Quichua,' at Seville 
in 1603. 3 In 1607 the excellent Bishop Luis Geronimo 
Ore, a native of Guamanga in Peru, published his ' Rituale 
seu Manuale Peruanum ' at Naples. It contains specimens 
of the different languages and dialects. 

The Jesuits established a mission at Juli, on the west 
coast of Lake Titicaca. Here they studied the language 
spoken by the natives of Colla-suyu, and they gave it the 
name of Aymara, which is even more inappropriate for 
the language of Colla-suyu than the name of Quichua is for 
the Runa-simi, or general language of the Incas. The 
Jesuits had a printing-press at Juli, and were very active 
in the work of conversion. The native tribe at Juli and 
on the west side of the lake of Titicaca was called Lupaca* 
To the north were the Collas, to the south the Pacajes, 
and on the east side of the lake were the Pacasas. As the 
Collas were the most powerful, all the tribes in the basin 
of Lake Titicaca were usually referred to by the early 
Spanish writers under the generic name of Collas. 

Colla would, therefore, be the correct name for the 
language of the Collas, and not Aymara. None of the early 
writers ever mentioned the inhabitants of Colla-suyu except 
as Collas. There is not one single instance of the name 
Aymara having been given to them. It is, therefore, 

1 Second edition, Lima, 1607. 

2 Ibid., Lima, 1842. 

3 Ibid., Lima, 1629 ; third, 1700 ; fourth, 1754. A vocabu- 
lary of Chinchay-suyu, by Juan de Figueredo, is bound up 
with Torres Rubio's. 


quite certain that the name of Aymara was absolutely- 
unknown in Colla-suyu, either before the Spanish conquest 
or for at least forty years after that event. 

Whence, then, comes the name of Aymara ? The 
answer is quite conclusive. It is the name of a small 
province on the upper waters of the Pachachaca river, 
bordering on the Quichuas. These Aymaras were a 
Quichua tribe wholly unconnected with Colla-suyu and 
the basin of Lake Titicaca. This is quite certain, and is 
proved in the same way as the position of the Quichuas is 
proved. Places are mentioned, in the course of the Inca 
conquests in Cunti-suyu, which were said to belong to 
the Aymaras then, and which are now actually in Aymaras, 
which is a province in the department of Cuzco. 

The word is from Ayma, a harvest song, in the general 
language which the Spanish grammarians called Quichua. 
From the same root comes Aymaeay, the ' harvest month ' ; 
and Aymurani, ' I gather the harvest.' 

The question arises, why should the Jesuits, settled 
at Juli on Lake Titicaca, have given this name of Aymara, 
that of a purely Quichua tribe, to the language of the 
Lupacas which they were diligently learning ? The explana- 
tion is perhaps to be found by a reference to the work 
of Fray Alonzo Ramos Gavilan published in 1620, and 
giving a history of the church of Copacabana, 1 near Juli. 
The great Inca Tupac Yupanqui, having conceived a 
devotion to the Titicaca myth, determined to erect a palace 
on one of the islands of the lake. Ramos tells us that 
he transferred a large body of mitimaes, or colonists, from 
the provinces of Cunti-suyu, that is the valley of the 
Apurimac and its tributaries, to the provinces of Colla-suyu. 
He gives a list of the tribes so transferred, and among them 

1 The Augustine monks had charge of the sanctuary of Copaca- 
bana from 1589 to 1826. A full account of it and its images is 
given by the Augustinian chronicler Calancha, as well as by Ramos. 


were the Aymaras. These Aymaras, according to Bias 
Valera, were settled at Juli. They had been there for 
three generations. The Jesuit fathers would learn the 
language of the Lupacas, the original inhabitants, from 
them, intermingled with a great number of Quichua 
words. This is actually what appears to have happened. 
Finding that the language of the Lupacas was practically 
the same as that spoken by the Collas, Pacasas, and other 
tribes of the basin of Lake Titicaca, the Jesuits required 
a generic name for the whole group, and adopted the 
word Aymara, being the name of the mitimaes with whom 
they were associated at Juli. This would explain the 

The word Aymara, as applied to the language of 
Colla-suyu, first occurs in 1575. 1 We find it again in a 
' Doctrina Christiana,' published in 1583, but applied 
to the language, not to the people. The word was not 
applied to the people until many years afterwards. The 
Jesuits had settled at Juli in about 1570. Their name 
for the language appears to have been adopted by others, 
as soon as the Jesuits began to use it. Garcilasso de la 
Vega mentions it once, referring to the language : so does 
Huaman Poma. Morua mentions it twice, writing in 
1590, applied to the language, but never to the people. 
The Italian Jesuit, Ludovico Bertonio, composed a 
grammar and dictionary of the Lupaca language to 
which his colleagues at Juli had given the name of 
Aymara. It was published at Eome in 1603. A second 
edition was issued from the Juli press in 1612. 3 Diego de 
Torres Rubio published a grammar and vocabulary of the 
same language in 1616. 

An examination of the Bertonio dictionary either 
shows the extent to which the general language had been 

1 In Tit. xv. p. 84 of Ordenanzas del Peru Ballesteros (Lima, 1685). 

2 Reprinted at Leipzig in 1879. 



made to prevail in Colla-suyu, or else that the language 
of the Collas and Lupacas was merely a dialect. My 
conclusion is that it was originally the distinct language 
of tribes living in the region which was once the centre of the 
great megalithic empire. It is just as the Arabs now 
encamp among the ruins of Babylon, and the Kurds 
build huts within the walls of Ecbatana. The auxiliary 
verb in the Colla-suyu language has the same root, can, 
as in the general language ; but the particles forming the 
declinations of nouns and conjugations of verbs are 
different. The first person singular indicative ends in 
Ni in the general language, in Tha in the language of Colla- 
suyu. Four of the Colla numerals are borrowed from the 
general language, the rest, beyond six, being compound. 1 

It may be assumed, judging from the dictionaries of 
Bertonio and Torres Eubio, that the extension of the 
general language over Colla-suyu had already made 







1 1, Hue 

. Maya 

6, Socta . . 


2, Iacay 

. Paya 

7, Canchis. . 

Pa Allco 

3, Quimsa . 

. Quimsa 

8, Pussao . . 

Quimsa Allco 

4, Ttahua . 

. Pusi 

9, Ysoun . . 

Llalla Tunca 

5, Fichca . 

. Pichca 

10, Chunca . . 


Three and five are missing, but we may assume that they once 
existed in the Colla language, for the Collas must have counted 
at least to five, the fingers and thumb of one hand. Three, five, 
and six were borrowed from the general language in Bertonio's 
dictionary. The Colla word for three is lost. Seven, eight, and 
nine are compound words, seven and eight with the word Allco. 
Possibly Allco was the Colla five. Then we have — 

Maya Allco . . 6 = 5+1= Socta 

Paya Allco . . 7 = 5 + 2 

Quimsa Allco . . 8 = 5 + 3 

Pusi Allco . . 9 = 6 + 4 

Allco Allco . . 10 = 5 + 5 = Tunca or Chunca 
The tribes of Colla-suyu made progress in civilisation after the 
Inca conquest, and of course required a more complete system of 


considerable progress at the time of the Spanish conquest. 
The system of numeration had been improved, and though 
a large proportion of the roots in the two languages were 
originally the same, the ability to give expression to many 
abstract ideas was acquired by the additions from the 
general language which enriched that of Colla-suyu. 

The usage of three centuries has made it inevitable 
that the names Quichua and Aymara for the general 
language of the Incas and the language of Colla-suyu 
should continue to be used, although they are inappropriate 
and misleading. 



The architecture of the Incas has been so well described by 
my old friend Squier 1 that a chapter on that subject is 
superfluous. 1 should not advise any one to go elsewhere, 
except to the old writers and to Senor Larrabure y Unanue, 
who is always accurate, for an account of any ruins which 
Squier has described, because his account will be found to 
be incomparably the, best. 1 can speak with some authority, 
because I have personally visited and examined most of 
the ruins which engaged Squier's attention. 

At the same time the reader must be warned not to 
rely upon Squier's references to history. He is almost 
always inaccurate, and sometimes quite wrong. For he 
dipped into early writers to illustrate his accounts of the 
ruins. He did not use his knowledge of the ruins to throw 
light on a thorough study of the early writers. 

I propose, however, to give a list of the Inca ruins, with 
a few references and other notes, as a guide to inquirers. 
The megalithic ruins, and those of the Grand Chirnu on the 
coast, have already been described. 

Cuzco. i rpta ruins of the Cohampata palace, prob- 

ably of the time of the Inca Pachacuti 
and the same as his Patallacta. See my 

1 Peru. Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of (he 
Incas, by E. George Squier (Maomillan, 1877). 





Basin of Lake 


Cuzco and Lima/ p. 100. Squier, p. 449. 
Also described at p. 286 of this work. 

2. Temple of the Sun. ' Cuzco and Lima,' 

p. 119 ; Squier, pp. 439 to 445, with plan. 

3. Yacha-huasi, or school. Squier, p. 447. 

4. Pampa Maroni wall. Squier, p. 446. 

5. Inca walls of houses. Squier, p. 444. See 

my plan in the first volume of the ' Royal 
Commentaries,' showing the Inca work 
throughout Cuzco. 

6. Great Halls at Cuzco, described by the Inca 

Garcilasso de la Vega. 

7. Fortress of Piquillacta, southern approach 

to Cuzco. Squier, p. 420. 
Ollantay - tampu, p. 150. Described in 

Chap. X, ' Cuzco and Lima,' pp. 179 

to 184. Squier, pp. 493 to 510. 
Palace of Chinchero. Squier, p. 483, and 

' Cuzco and Lima.' 
Yucay, one ornamental wall remaining. 
Pissac and the Inti-huatana. Squier, pp. 523 

to 530. 
Cacha. A very curious temple with pillars, 

and an upper story, described by the Inca 

Garcilasso de la Vega. Squier, p. 402. 

13. Copacabana. Squier, p. 325. 

14. Coati. Squier, pp. 359 to 365. 

15. Sillustani chulpas. My ' Travels in Peru 

and India/ pp. Ill, 112 ; Larrabure y 
Unanue, p. 424 ; Squier, p. 376. 

16. Sondor-huasi. See my ' Travels in Peru 

and India/ p. 193 ; Squier, pp. 394, 395. 

17. Hatun-colla. Squier, p. 385. 

18. Limatambo palace. ' Cuzco and Lima/ 

p. 93 ; Squier, p. 86. 

19. Curamba fortress. ' Cuzco and Lima/ p. 83. 

20. Choque-quirao. Important ruins on the 

Apurimac, about thirty miles from 






Abancay ; described by Castelnau. Re- 
cently visited by Dr. Bingham, an 
American traveller. About to be exhaus- 
tively examined by Dr. Max Uhle. 

21. Vilcas-hnaman. Described by Cieza de 

Leon and in the ' Relaciones Geograficas.' 
Not visited by Squier. But see Wiener, 
pp. 264 to 271. 

22. Huanuco palace. Squier, p. 216. Larra- 

bure y Unanue, p. 293. Enock, Chap. XXII. 

23. Chavin. Enock, ' Andes and Amazon,' 

pp. 72, 73. 

24. Fortress Palace of Hervay. ' Cuzco and 

Lima,' p. 29 ; Squier, p. 83 ; Larrabure 
y Unanue, p. 316. 

25. Lundhuana. Larrabure y Unanue, pp. 299 

to 322. Inca Huasi, use of columns. 

26. Paramunca fortress. Cieza de Leon, p. 247 ; 

Proctor, p. 175 ; Squier, p. 101 ; Larrabure 
y Unanue, p. 279. 

27. Pachacamac. Max Uhle, Squier, who 

describes an arch. 

The Inca roads and bridges are well described by 
Zarate and Cieza de Leon, p. 153, a passage which is quoted 
at length by the Inca Garcilasso (I. lib. ix. cap. 13). See 
also Velasco, ' Historia de Quito/ I. p. 59. 

The ceramic and metallurgic art of the Incas is best 
seen in the collections of the Senora Centeno and of Dr. 
Caparo Muniz, both once at Cuzco. The Centeno collection 
is now at Berlin. After the conquest of the coast the Incas 
brought a number of the Chimu potters and metal workers 
to Cuzco, and careful study in the museums might perhaps 
lead to discrimination between the purely Inca work, and 
the work after an infusion of the Chimu element. 




ABOUT A.D. 1470 


Db. VALDEZ, Cuba of Sicuani 
A.D. 1770 








The drama was cultivated by the Incas, and dramatic 
performances were enacted before them. Garcilasso de 
la Vega, Molina, and Salcamayhua are the authorities 
who received and have recorded the information given 
by the Amautas respecting the Inca drama. Some of 
these dramas, and portions of others, were preserved in 
the memories of members of Inca and Amauta families. 
The Spanish priests, especially the Jesuits of Juli, soon 
discovered the dramatic aptitude of the people. Plays 
were composed and acted, under priestly auspices, which 
contained songs and other fragments of the ancient 
Inca drama. These plays were called ' Autos Sacra- 

But complete Inca dramas were also preserved in 
the memories of members of the Amauta caste and, until 
the rebellion of 1781, they were acted. The drama of 
Ollantay was first reduced to writing and arranged for 
acting by Dr. Don Antonio Valdez, the Oura of Tinta. 
It was acted before his friend Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui 1 

1 Inca Paohacoti 

Ttjpao Ytjpanqtji 

Inca Huayna Coapac 

Manco Inca 




in about 1775. Taking the name of his maternal ancestor, 
the Inca Tupac Amaru, the ill-fated Condorcanqui rose 
in rebellion, was defeated, taken, and put to death under 
torture, in the great square of Cuzco. In the monstrous 
sentence ' the representation of dramas as well as all 
other festivals which the Indians celebrate in memory 
of their Incas ' was prohibited. 1 This is a clear proof 
that before 1781 these Quichua dramas were acted. 

The original manuscript of Valdez was copied by his 
friend Don Justo Pastor Justiniani, and this copy was 
inherited by his son. There was another copy in the 
convent of San Domingo at Cuzco, but it is corrupt, and 
there are several omissions and mistakes of a copyist. 
Dr. Valdez died, at a very advanced age, in 1816. In 
1853 the original manuscript was in the possession of his 
nephew and heir, Don Narciso Cuentas of Tinta. 

The Justiniani copy was, in 1853, in the possession 
of Dr. Don Pablo Justiniani, Cura of Laris, and son 
of Don Justo Pastor Justiniani. He is a descendant of 

Tupac Amaru 


Juana Nusta = Diego Condorcanqui 

Felipe Condorcanqui 

Pedro Condorcanqui 

Miguel Condorcanqui 

Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui 

(Tupac Amaru) 

1 ' Sentencia pronunciada en el Cuzco por el Visitador Don Jose 
Antonio de Areche, contra Josi Gabriel Tupac Amaru.' In Coleccion 
de obras y documentos de Don Pedro de Angelis, vol. v. (Buenos 
Ayres, 1836-7). 


the Incas. 1 In April 1853 I went to Laris, a secluded 
valley of the Andes, and made a careful copy of the drama 
of Ollantay. Prom this Justiniani text my first very 
faulty line-for-line translation was made in 1871, as well 
as the present free translation. 

The first printed notice of Ollantay appeared in the 
Museo Erudito, Nos. 5 to 9, published at Cuzco in 1837, 
and edited by Don Jose" Palacios. The next account 
of the drama, with extracts, was in the ' Antiguedades 
Peruanas,' a work published in 1851 jointly by Dr. von 
Tschudi and Don Mariano Eivero of Arequipa. The 
complete text, from the copy in the convent of San 
Domingo at Cuzco, was first published at Vienna in 1853 
by Dr. von Tschudi in his ' Die Kechua Sprache.' It 

i Inca Pachaouti 
Tupac Yupanqui 
huayna ccapao 


Manco Inca 

Maria Tupac Usca = Pedbo Ortiz de Orub 

Catalina Ortiz = Luis Justiniani 

Luis Justiniani 

Luis Justiniani 

Nicolo Justiniani 

Justo Pastor Justiniani 

Dr. Pablo Polioabpo Justiniani 

(Cura of Laris) 


was obtained for him by Dr. Ruggendas of Munich. 
The manuscript was a corrupt version, and in very bad 
condition, in parts illegible from damp. In 1868 Don 
Jose Barranca published a Spanish translation, from the 
Dominican text of von Tschudi. The learned Swiss 
naturalist, von Tschudi, published a revised edition of 
his translation at Vienna in 1875, with a parallel German 
translation. In 1871 I printed the Justiniani text with a 
literal, line-for-line translation, but with many mistakes, 
since corrected ; and in 1874, a Peruvian, Don Jose 
Fernandez Nodal, published the Quichua text with a 
Spanish translation. 

In 1878 Gavino Pacheco Zegarra published his version 
of Ollantay, with a free translation in French. His 
text is a manuscript of the drama which he found in 
his uncle's library. Zegarra, as a native of Peru 
whose language was Quichua, had great advantages. 
He was a very severe, and often unfair, critic of his 

The work of Zegarra is, however, exceedingly valuable. 
He was not only a Quichua scholar, but also accomplished 
and well read. His notes on special words and on the 
construction of sentences are often very interesting. But 
his conclusions respecting several passages which are in 
the Justiniani text, but not in the others, are certainly 
erroneous. Thus he entirely spoils the dialogue between 
the Uillac Uma and Piqui Chaqui by omitting the 
humorous part contained in the Justiniani text ; and 
makes other similar omissions merely because the 
passages are not in his text. Zegarra gives a useful 
vocabulary at the end of all the words which occur in 
the drama. 

The great drawback to the study of Zegarra's work 
is that he invented a number of letters to express the 
various modifications of sound as they appealed to his 


ear. No one else can use them, while they render 
the reading of his own works difficult and intolerably 

The last publication of a text of Ollantay was by the 
Rev. J. H. Gybbon Spilsbury, at Buenos Ayres in 1907, 
accompanied by Spanish, English, and French translations 
in parallel columns. 

There is truth in what Zegarra says, that the attempts 
to translate line for line, by von Tschudi and myself, ' fail 
to convey a proper idea of the original drama to European 
readers, the result being alike contrary to the genius of 
the modern languages of Europe and to that of the 
Quichua language.' Zegarra accordingly gives a very 
free translation in French. 

In the present translation I believe that I have always 
preserved the sense of the original, without necessarily 
binding myself to the words. The original is in octo- 
syllabic lines. Songs and important speeches are in 
quatrains of octosyllabic lines, the first and last rhyming, 
and the second and third. I have endeavoured to keep 
to octosyllabic lines as far as possible, because they give 
a better idea of the original ; and I have also tried to 
preserve the form of the songs and speeches. 

The drama opens towards the close of the reign of 
the Inca Pachacuti, the greatest of all the Incas, and 
the scene is laid at Cuzco or at Ollantay-tampu, in the 
valley of the Vilcamayu. The story turns on the love 
of a great chief, but not of the blood-royal, with a daughter 
of the Inca. This would not have been prohibited in 
former reigns, for the marriage of a sister by the sovereign 
or his heir, and the marriage of princesses only with 
princes of the blood-royal, were rules first introduced 
by Pachacuti. 1 His imperial power and greatness led 

l The wives of the Incas were called ccoya. The ccoya of the 
second Inca was a daughter of the chief of Sanoc. The third Inca 


him to endeavour to raise the royal family far above all 

The play opens with a dialogue between Ollantay and 
Piqui Chaqui, his page, a witty and humorous lad. 
Ollantay talks of his love for the Princess Cusi Coyllur, 
and wants Piqui Chaqui to take a message to her, while 
the page dwells on the danger of loving in such a quarter, 
and evades the question of taking a message. Then to 
them enters the Uillac Uma, or High Priest of the Sun, 
who remonstrates with Ollantay — a scene of great 
solemnity, and very effective. 

The next scene is in the Queen's palace. Anahuarqui, 
the Queen, is discovered with the Princess Cusi Coyllur, 
who bitterly laments the absence of Ollantay. To them 
enters the Inca Pachacuti, quite ignorant that his daughter 
has not only married Ollantay in secret, but that she 
is actually with child by him. Her mother keeps her 
secret. The Inca indulges in extravagant expressions of 
love for his daughter. Then boys and girls enter dancing 
and singing a harvest song. Another very melancholy 
yarahui is sung ; both capable of being turned by the 
Princess into presages of the fate of herself and her 

K > In the third scene Ollantay prefers his suit to the Inca 
Pachacuti in octosyllabic quatrains, the first and last 

married a daughter of the chief of Oma, the fourth married a girl 
of Taeuearay, the wife of the fifth was a daughter of a Cuzco chief. 
The sixth Inca married a daughter of the chief of Huayllacan, the 
seventh married a daughter of the chief of Ayamarca, and the eighth 
went to Anta for a wife. This Anta lady was the mother of Pacha- 
cuti. The wife of Pachacuti, named Anahuarqui, was a daughter 
of the chief of Ghoco. There was no rule about marrying sisters 
when Pachacuti succeeded. He introduced it by making his son 
Tupao Yupanqui marry his daughter Mama Ocllo, but this was 
quite unprecedented. The transgression of a rule which he had 
just made may account for his extreme severity. 


lines rhyming, and the second and third. His suit is 
rejected -with scorn and contempt, Ollantay next appears 
on the heights above Cuzco. In a soliloquy he declares 
himself the implacable enemy of Cuzco and the Inca. 
Then Piqui Chaqui arrives -with the news that the Queen's 
palace is empty, and abandoned, and that Ousi Coyllur 
has quite disappeared ; while search is being made for 
Ollantay. While they are together a song is sung behind 
some rocks, in praise of Cusi Coyllur's beauty. Then the 
sound of clarions and people approaching is heard, and 
Ollantay and Piqui Chaqui take to flight. The next scene 
finds the Inca enraged at the escape of Ollantay, and order- 
ing his general Eumi-naui to march at once, and make 
him prisoner. To them enters a chasqui, or messenger, 
bringing the news that Ollantay has collected a great army 
at Ollantay-tampu, and that the rebels have proclaimed 
him Inca. 

The second act opens with a grand scene in the hall 
of the fortress-palace of Ollantay-tampu. Ollantay is 
proclaimed Inca by the people, and he appoints the 
Mountain Chief, Urco Huaranca, general of his army. 
Urco Huaranca explains the dispositions he has made 
to oppose the army advancing from Cuzco, and his plan 
of defence. In the next scene Eumi-naui, as a fugitive 
in the mountains, describes his defeat and the complete 
success of the strategy of Ollantay and Urco Huaranca. 
His soliloquy is in the octosyllabic quatrains. The last 
scene of the second act is in the gardens of the Convent 
of Virgins of^the Sun. A young girl is standing by a gate 
which opens on the street. This, as afterwards appears, 
is Yma Sumac, the daughter of Ollantay and Cusi Coyllur, 
aged ten, but ignorant of her parentage. To her enters 
Pitu Salla, an attendant, who chides her for being so fond 
of looking out at the gate. The conversation which 
follows shows that Yma Sumac detests the convent and 


refuses to take the vows. She also has heard the moans 
of some sufferer, and importunes Pitu Salla to tell her who 
it is. Yma Sumac goes as Mama Ccacea enters and cross- 
examines Pitu Salla on her progress in persuading Yma 
Sumac to adopt convent life. This Mama Ocacca is one 
of the Matrons or Mama Cuna, and she is also the jailer 
of Cusi Coyllur. 

The third act opens with an amusing scene between 
the Uillac Uma and Piqui Chaqui, who meet in a street 
in Cuzco. Piqui Chaqui wants to get news, but to tell 
nothing, and in this he succeeds. The death of Inca 
Pachacuti is announced to him, and the accession of 
Tupac Yupanqui, and with this news he departs. 

Next there is an interview between the new Inca 
Tupac Yupanqui, the Uillac Uma, and the defeated general 
Eumi-naui, who promises to retrieve the former disaster 
and bring the rebels to Cuzco, dead or alive. It after- 
wards appears that the scheme of Eumi-naui was one of 
treachery. He intended to conceal his troops in caves 
and gorges near Ollantay-tampu ready to rush in, when a 
signal was made. Eumi-naui then cut and slashed his 
face, covered himself with mud, and appeared at the gates 
of Ollantay-tampu, declaring that he had received this 
treatment from the new Inca, and imploring protection. 1 
Ollantay received him with the greatest kindness and 
hospitality. In a few days Ollantay and his people 
celebrated the Baymi or great festival of the sun with 

l A bust, on an earthen vase, was presented to Don Antonio 
Maria Alvarez, the political chief of Cuzco, in 1837, by an Indian 
who declared that it had been handed down in his family from 
time immemorial, as a likeness of the general, Rumi-fiaui, who 
plays an important part in this drama of Ollantay. The person 
represented must have been a general, from the ornament on the 
forehead, called mascapaycha, and there are wounds cut on the 
face. — Museo Erudito, No. 5, 


much rejoicing and drinking. Rumi-naui pretended to 
join in the festivities, but when most of them were 
wrapped in drunken sleep, he opened the gates, let in his 
own men, and made them all prisoners. 

There is next another scene in the garden of the 
convent, in which Yma Sumac importunes Pitu Salla 
to tell her the secret of the prisoner. Pitu Salla at last 
yields and opens a stone door. Cusi Ooyllur is discovered, 
fastened to a wall, and in a dying state. She had been 
imprisoned, by order of her father, Inca Pachacuti on 
the birth of Yma Sumac. She is restored with food and 
water, and the relationship is discovered when Cusi 
Coyllur hears the child's name, for she had given it 
to her. 

Next the Inca Tupac Yupanqui is discovered in the 
great hall of his palace, seated on his Maria or throne, 
with the Uillac Uma in attendance. To them enters a 
chasqui, or messenger, who describes the result of Rumi- 
naui's treachery in octosyllabic quatrains. Rumi-naui 
himself enters and receives the thanks of his sovereign. 
Then the prisoners are brought in guarded — Ollantay, 
Hanco Huayllu, Urco Huaranca, and Piqui Chaqui. The 
Inca upbraids them for their treason. He then asks the 
Uillac Uma for his judgment. The High Priest recom- 
mends mercy. Rumi-naui advises immediate execution. 
The Inca seems to concur and they are ordered off, when 
suddenly the Inca cries ' Stop.' He causes them all to be 
released, appoints Ollantay to the highest post in the 
empire next to himself, and Urco Huaranca to a high 
command. There are rejoicings, and in the midst of it 
all Yma Sumac forces her way into the hall, and throws 
herself at the Inca's feet, entreating him to save her 
mother from death. The Inca hands over the matter to 
Ollantay, but this Yma Sumac will not have, and, the Uillac 
Uma intervening, the Inca consents to go with the child. 


The final scene is in the gardens of the convent. The 
Inca enters with Yma Sumac, followed by the whole 
strength of the company. Mama Ccacca is ordered to 
open the stone door and Cusi Coyllur is brought out, 
She proves to be the sister of the Inca and the wife 
of Ollantay. There are explanations, and all ends 

Of the antiquity of the drama of Ollantay there is now 
no question. General Mitre wrote an elaborate paper on 
its authenticity, raising several points to prove that 
it was of modern origin. But every point he raised has 
been satisfactorily refuted. At the same time there are 
many other points, some of them referred to by Zegarra, 
which establish the antiquity of the drama beyond any 
doubt. The antiquity of the name Ollantay-tampu, 
applied to the fortress in memory of the drama, is proved 
by its use in the narratives of Molina (1560) and of 

An able review of the literature connected with the 
drama of Ollantay was written by Don E. Larrabure y 
Unanue, the present Vice-President of Peru, who con- 
siders that Ollantay would make a good acting play with 
magnificent scenic effects. 

MS. Texts. 

1. The original text of Valdez. In 1853 the property 
of Don Narciso Cuentas of Tinta, heir of Dr. Valdez. 

2. The Justiniani text. In 1853 at Laris. Copy of 
the Valdez text. 

3. Markham's copy of the Justiniani text (printed 

4. Rosas copy of the Justiniani text. 

5. Copy in the convent of San Domingo at Cuzco 
(the Dominican text). 


6. Von Tsehudi's copy of the Dominican text (printed 

7. Text of Zegarra (printed 1878). 

8. Second text of von Tschudi. 

9. Text of Spilsbury. 

10. Text of Sahuaraura penes Dr. Gonzalez de la 

There is light thrown upon the name Ollantay by the 
evidence taken during the journey of the Viceroy Toledo 
from Jauja to Cuzco, from November 1570 to March 
1571. He wanted information respecting the origin of 
the Inca government, and 200 witnesses were examined, 
the parentage or lineage of each witness being recorded. 
Among these we find six witnesses of the Antasayac ayllu. 
Sayac means a station or division, Anta is a small town 
near Cuzco. The names of the six Anta witnesses were : — 

Ancaillo ; Usca ; Huacro ; 

Mancoy ; Auca Puri ; Ullantay ; 

Besides Antonio Pacrotrica and Punicu Paucar, 
Chiefs of Anta. 

We thus find that the name of Ollantay belonged to 
Anta. Now the Incas were under great obligations to 
the chief of Anta, for that chief had rescued the eldest 
son of Inca Bocca from the chief of Ayamarca, and had 
restored him to his father. For this great service the 
chief of Anta was declared to be a noble of the highest 
rank and cousin to the Inca family. Moreover, the 
daughter of the Anta chief was married to the Inca 
Uira-cocha, and was the mother of Pachacuti. Assuming, 
as seems probable, that Ollantay was a son of the chief 
of Anta, he would be a cousin of the Inca, and of very 


high rank, though not an agnate of the reigning family. 
This, I take it, is what is intended. Pachacuii desired 
to raise his family high above all others, and that, con- 
sequently, there should be no marriages with subjects 
even of the highest rank ; and his excessive severity on 
the transgression of his rule by his daughter is thus 



Act I. Sc. 1. — Open space near Cuzco. 

OUantay, Piqui Chaqui, Uillac Uma. 
Sc. 2. — Hall in the Colcampata. 

Anahuarqui, Cusi Coyllur, Inca 
Pachacuti, Boys and Girls, Singers. 
Sc. 3. — Hall in the Inca's palace. 

Pachacuti, Rumi-naui, OUantay. 
Sc. 4. — Height above Cuzco. 

OUantay, Piqui Chaqui, Unseen Singer. 
Sc. 5. — Hall in the Inca's palace. 

Pachacuti, Rumi-naui, and a Chasqui. 

Act II. Sc. 1. — Ollantay-tampu Hall. 

OUantay, Urco Huaranca, Hanco 
HuayUu, People and Soldiers. 
Sc. 2. — A wild place in the mountains. 

Rumi-naui's soldoquy. 
Sc. 3. — Gardens of the Virgins. 

Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla, Mama 

Act III. Sc. 1. — Pampa Moroni at Cuzco. 

Uillac Uma and Piqui Chaqui. 
Sc. 2. — Palace of Tupac Yupanqui. 

Tupac Yupanqui, Uillac Uma, 

337 z 


Sc. 3. — Ollantay-tampu, Terrace. 

Rumi-naui, Ollantay, Guards. 
Sc. 4. — House of Virgins, Corridor. 
Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla. 
Sc. 5. — House of Virgins, Garden. 

Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla, Cusi Coyllur. 
Sc. 6. — Palace of Tupac Yupanqui. 

Tupac Yupanqui, Uillac Uma, a 
Chasqui, Rumi-naui, Ollantay, Urco 
Huaranca, Hanco Huayllu, Piqui 
Chaqui, Chiefs and Guards, then 
Yma Sumac. 
Sc. 7. — House of Virgins, Garden. 

All of Scene 6, and Mama Ccacca 
Cusi Coyllur, Pitu Salla. 


In Cuzco and its environs, and Ollantay-tampu 

Dramatis Persons 

Apu Ollantay. — General of Anti-suyu, the eastern 
province of the empire. A young chief, but not of 
the blood-royal. His rank was that of a Tucuyricuc 
or Viceroy. The name occurs among the witnesses 
examined by order of the Viceroy Toledo, being one 
of the six of the Antasayac ayllu. 

Paohaotjti. — The Sovereign Inca. 

Tupac Yupanqui. — Sovereign Inca, son and heir of 

Rumi-naui. — A great chief, General of Colla-suyu. The 
word means ' Stone-eye.' 

UiHAO Uma. — High Priest of the Sun. The word Uma 
means head, and Uillac, a councillor and diviner. 

Uroo Huaranca. — A chief. The words mean ' Mountain 
Chief.' The word huaranca means 1000 ; hence, 
Chief of a Thousand. 

Hanco Hua yllu Auqui. — An old officer, of the blood-royal. 

Piqui Chaqui. — Page to Ollantay. The words mean 
' fleet-footed.' 

Anahuarqui.— The Ccoya or Queen, wife of Pachacuti. 

339 z 2 


Cusi Coyllur Nusta. — A Princess, daughter of Pachacuti, 
The words mean ' the joyful star.' 

Yma Sumac. — Daughter of Cusi Coyllur. The words 
mean ' How beautiful.' 

Pitu Salla. — A girl, companion of Yma Sumac. 

Coacoa Mama. — A matron of Virgins of the Sun. Jailer 
of Cusi Coyllur. 

Nobles, captains, soldiers, boys and girls dancing, singers, 
attendants, messengers or Chasqui. 


Scene 1 

An open space near the junction of the two torrents of 
Cuzco, the Huatanay and Tullumayu or Bodadero, called 
Pumap Chupan, just outside the gardens of the Sun. The 
Temple of the Sun beyond the gardens, and the Sacsahuaman 
hill surmounted by the fortress, rising in the distance. The 
palace of Colcampata on the hillside. 

(Enter Ollantay l. {in a gilded tunic, breeches 
of llama sinews, usutas or shoes of llama 
hide, a red mantle of ccompi or fine cloth, 
and the chucu or head-dress of his rank, 
holding a battle-axe (champi) and club 
(macana)] and Tiqui Chaqui coming up from 
the back r. [in a coarse brown tunic of auasca 
or llama cloth, girdle used as a sling, and 
chucu or head-dress of a Cuzquend].) 

Ollantay. Where, young fleet-foot, hast thou heen ? 
Hast thou the starry Sfusta seen ? 

Piqui Chaqui. The Sun forbids such sacrilege ; 
'Tis not for me to see the star. 
Dost thou, my master, fear no ill, 
Thine eyes upon the Inca's child ? 

Ollantay. In spite of all I swear to love 
That tender dove, that lovely star ; 
My heart is as a lamb 1 with her, 
And ever will her presence seek. 

i Chita is the lamb of the llama. A lamb of two or three months 
was a favourite pet in the time of the Incas. It followed its mistress, 
adorned with a little bell and ribbons. 



Piqui Chaqui. Such thoughts are prompted by Supay i ; 
That evil being possesses thee. 
All round are beauteous girls to choose 
Before old age and weakness come. 
If the great Inca knew thy plot 'J 
And what thou seekest to attain, 
Thy head would fall by his command, 
Thy body would be quickly burnt. 

Ollantay. Boy, do not dare to cross me thus. 
One more such word and thou shalt die. 
These hands will tear thee limb from limb, 
If still thy councils are so base. 

Piqui Ghaqui. Well ! treat thy servant as a dog, 
But do not night and day repeat, 
' Piqui Chaqui ! swift of foot ! 
Go once more to seek the star.' 

Ollantay. Have I not already said 
That e'en if death's fell scythe 3 was here, 
If mountains should oppose my path 
Like two fierce foes 3 who block the way, 
Yet will I fight all these combined 
And risk all else to gain my end, 
And whether it be life or death 
I'll cast myself at Coyllur's feet. 

Piqui Chaqui. But if Supay himself should come ? 

Ollantay. I'd strike the evil spirit down. 

1 Supay, an evil spirit, according to some authorities. 

2 Ichuna, a sickle or scythe. The expression has been cited by 
General Mitre and others as an argument that the drama is modern, 
because this is a metaphor confined to the old world. But ichuna 
was in use, in Quichua, in this sense, before the Spaniards 
came. The word is from Ichu, grass. 

3 The Peruviana personified a mountain as two spirits, good 
and evil. In writing poetically of a mountain opposing, it would 
be referred to in the persons of its genii or spirits, and spoken of 
as two foes, not one. 


Piqui Chaqui. If thou shouldst only see his nose, 
Thou wouldst not speak as thou dost now. 

Ollantay. Now, Piqui Chaqui, speak the truth, 
Seek not evasion or deceit. 
Dost thou not already know, 
Of all the flowers in the field, 
Not one can equal my Princess ? 

Piqui Chaqui. Still, my master, thou dost rave. 
I think I never saw thy love. 
Stay ! was it her who yesterday 
Came forth with slow and faltering steps 
And sought a solitary J path 2 ? 
If so, 'tis true she's like the sun, 
The moon less beauteous than her face. 3 

Ollantay. It surely was my dearest love. 
How beautiful, how bright is she ! 
This very moment thou must go 
And take my message to the Star. 

Piqui Chaqui. I dare not, master ; in the day, 
I fear to pass the palace gate. 
With all the splendour of the court, 
I could not tell her from the rest. 

Ollantay. Didst thou not say thou sawest her ? 

Piqui Chaqui. I said so, but it was not sense. 
A star can only shine at night ; 
Only at night could I be sure. 

Ollantay. Begone, thou lazy good-for-nought. 
The joyful star that I adore, 
If placed in presence of the Sun, 
Would shine as brightly as before. 

1 Burun, desert, solitude. 

2 Tasguiy, to inarch ; tasguina, promenade, path. 

3 Cusi Coyllur, while daylight lasted, was, in the eyes of Piqui 
Chaqui, like the sun. A change takes place at twilight, and at 
night she is like the moon. . , 

344 THE UILLAC UMA act i 

Piqui Chaqui. Lo ! some person hither comes, 
Perhaps an old crone seeking alms ; 
Yes ! Look ! he quite resembles one. 
Let him the dangerous message take. 
Send it by him, noble Chief ! 
Prom me they would not hear the tale ; 
Thy page is but a humble lad. 

(Enter the Uillac Uma, or High Priest of the 
Sun, at the hack, arms raised to the Sun. 
In a grey tunic and black mantle from the 
shoulders to the ground, a long knife in 
his belt, the undress chucu on his head.) 

Uillac Uma. giver of all warmth and light ! 

Sun ! I fall and worship thee. 
Por thee the victims are prepared, 
A thousand llamas and their lambs 
Are ready for thy festal day. 

The sacred fire '11 lap their blood, 
In thy dread presence, mighty one, 
After long fast 1 thy victims fall. 

Ollantay. Who comes hither, Piqui Chaqui ? 
Yes, 'tis the holy Uillac Uma ; 
He brings his tools of augury. 
No puma 2 more astute and wise — 

1 hate that ancient conjurer 
Who prophesies of evil things, 
I feel the evils he foretells ; 
'Tis he who ever brings ill-luck. 

1 Fasting was a preparation for all great religious ceremonies. 
Victims for sacrifice underwent a previous fast, which was looked 
upon in the light of purification before being offered to the Deity. 

2 They gave the attributes we usually assign to the fox to 
the puma. 

scene i UAiiiAJYX'A* AJNJJ THJU UliiLiAU UMA 0*0 

Piqui Chaqui. Silence, master, do not speak, 
The old man doubly is informed ; 
Fore-knowing every word you say, 
Already he has guessed it all. 

(He lies down on a bank.) 

Ollantay (aside). He sees me. I must speak to him. 

(The Uillac Uma comes forward.) 

Uillac Uma, Great High Priest, 

1 bow before thee with respect ; 
May the skies be clear for thee, 

And brightest sunshine meet thine eyes. 

Uillac Uma. Brave Ollantay ! Princely one ! 
May all the teeming land be thine ; 
May thy far-reaching arm of might 
Reduce the wide-spread universe. 

Ollantay. Old man ! thine aspect causes fear, 
Thy presence here some ill forebodes ; 
All round thee dead men's bones appear, 
Baskets, flowers, sacrifice. 
All men when they see thy face 
Are filled with terror and alarm. 
What means it all ? why comest thou ? 
It wants some months before the feast. 
Is it that the Inca is ill ? 
Perchance hast thou some thought divined 
Which soon will turn to flowing blood. 
Why comest thou ? the Sun's great day, 
The Moon's libations are not yet 
The moon has not yet nearly reached 
The solemn time for sacrifice. 

Uillac Uma. Why dost thou these questions put, 
In tones of anger and reproach ? 


Am I, forsooth, thy humble slave ? 
That I know all I '11 quickly prove. 

Ollcmtay. My heating heart is filled with dread, 
Beholding thee so suddenly ; 
Perchance thy coming is a sign, 
Of evils overtaking me. 

Uillac Uma. Pear not, OUantay ! not for that, 
The High Priest comes to thee this day. 
It is perhaps for love of thee, 
That, as a straw is blown by wind, 
A friend, this day, encounters thee. 
Speak to me as to a friend, 
Hide nothing from my scrutiny. 
This day I come to offer thee 
A last and most momentous choice — 
'Tis nothing less than life or death. 

OUantay. Then make thy words more clear to me, 
That I may understand the choice ; 
Till now 'tis but a tangled skein, 
Unravel it that I may know. 

Uillac Uma. 'Tis well. Now listen, warlike Chief : 
My science has enabled me, 
To learn and see all hidden things 
Unknown to other mortal men. 
My power will enable me 
To make of thee a greater prince. 
I brought thee up from tender years, 
And cherished thee with love and care ; 
I now would guide thee in the right, 
And ward off all that threatens thee. , 
As chief of Anti-suyu now, 
The people venerate thy name ; 
Thy Sovereign trusts and honours thee, 
E'en to sharing half his realm. 
From all the rest he chose thee out, 



And placed all power in thy hands ; 
He made thy armies great and strong, 
And strengthened thee against thy foes ; 
How numerous soe'er they he, 
They have been hunted down by thee. 
Are these good reasons for thy wish, 
To wound thy Sovereign to the heart ? 
His daughter is beloved by thee ; 
Thy passion thou wouldst fain indulge, 
Lawless and forbidden though it be. 
I call upon thee, stop in time, 
Tear this folly from thy heart. 
If thy passion is immense, 
Still let honour hold its place. 
You reel, you stagger on the brink— 
I 'd snatch thee from the very edge. 
Thou knowest well it cannot be, 
The Inca never would consent. 
If thou didst e'en propose it now, 
He would be overcome with rage ; 
From favoured prince and trusted chief, 
Thou wouldst descend to lowest rank. 

Ollantay. How is it that thou canst surely know 
What still is hidden in my heart ? 
Her mother only knows my love, 
Yet thou revealest all to me. 

Uillac Uma. I read thy secret on the moon, 
As if upon the Quipu knots ; 
And what thou wouldst most surely hide, 
Is plain to me as all the rest. 

Ollantay. In my heart I had divined 
That thou wouldst search me through and through ; 
Thou knowest all, Councillor, 
And wilt thou now desert thy son ? 

Uillac Uma. How oft we mortals heedless drink, 


A certain death from golden cup ; 

Eecall to mind how ills befall, 

And that a stubborn heart 's the cause. 

Ollantay (kneeling). Plunge that dagger in my breast, 
Thou holdst it ready in thy belt ; 
Cut out my sad and broken heart — 
I ask the favour at thy feet. 

TJ iliac TJma (to Piqui Chaqui). Gather me that flower, 

(Piqui Chaqui gives him a loiihered flower and 
lies down again, pretending to sleep.) 

(To Ollantay). Behold, it is quite dead and dry. 
Once more behold ! e'en now it weeps, 
It weeps. The water flows from it. 

(Water flows out of the flower.) 

Ollantay. More easy for the barren rocks 
Or for sand to send forth water, 
Than that I should cease to love 
The fair princess, the joyful star. 

Uillac TJma. Put a seed into the ground, 
It multiplies a hundredfold ; 
The more thy crime shall grow and swell, 
The greater far thy sudden fall. 

Ollantay. Once for all, I now confess 
To thee, great and mighty Priest ; 
Now learn my fault. To thee I speak, 
Since thou hast torn it from my heart. 
The lasso to tie me is long, 
'Tis ready to twist round my throat ; 
Yet its threads are woven with gold, 
It avenges a brilliant crime. 
Cusi Coyllur e'en now is my wife, 
Already we 're bound and are one ; 


My blood now runs in her veins, 

E'en now I am noble as she. 

Her mother has knowledge of all, 

The Queen can attest what I say ; 

Let me tell all this to the King, 

I pray for thy help and advice. 

I will speak without fear and with force, 

He may perhaps give way to his rage ; 

Yet he may consider my youth, 

May remember the battles I 've fought ; 

The record is carved on my club. 

(Holds up his macana.) 

He may think of his enemies crushed, 
The thousands I 've thrown at his feet. 

Uillac XJma. Young Prince ! thy words are too bold, 
Thou hast twisted the thread of thy fate — 
Beware, before 'tis too late ; 
Disentangle and weave it afresh, 
Go alone to speak to the King, 
Alone bear the blow that you seek ; 
Above all let thy words be but few, 
And say them with deepest respect ; 
Be it life, be it death that you find, 
I will never forget thee, my son. 

[Walks up and exit 

Ollantay. Ollantay, thou art a man, 
No place in thy heart for fear ; 
Cusi Coyllur, surround me with light. 
Piqui Chaqui, where art thou ? 

Piqui Chaqui (jumping up). I was asleep, my master, 
And dreaming of evil things. 

Ollantay. Of what ? 

Piqui Chaqui. Of a fox with a rope round its neck. 


Ollantay. Sure enough, thou art the fox. 
Piqui Chaqui. It is true that my nose is growing finer, 
And my ears a good deal longer. 
Ollantay. Come, lead me to the Coyllur. 
Piqui Chaqui. It is still daylight. 


Scene 2 

A great hall in the Colcampata, then the palace of the 
Queen or Ccoya Anahuarqui. In the centre of the bach 
scene a doorway, and seen through it gardens with the 
snowy peak of Vilcanota in the distance. Walls covered 
with golden slabs. On either side of the doorway three 
recesses, with household gods in the shape of maize-cobs 
and llamas, and gold vases in them. On e. a golden tiana 
or throne. On l. two lower seats covered with cushions of 
fine woollen cloth. 

(Anahuabqui, the Queen or Ccoya (in blue 
chucu, white cotton bodice, and red mantle 
secured by a golden topu or pin, set with 
emeralds, and a blue shi/rt), and the princess 
Cusi Coyllub (in a chucu, with feathers of 
the tunqui, white bodice and skirt, and 
grey mantle with topu, set with pearls) 
discovered seated.) 

Anahuarqui. Since when art thou feeling so sad, 
Cusi Coyllur ! great Inti's prunelle ? l 
Since when hast thou lost all thy joy, 
Thy smile and thy once merry laugh ? 

l Intip llirpun, ' apple of the sun's eye.' There is no English 
equivalent that is suitable. 


Tears of grief now pour down my face, 
As I watch and mourn over my child ; 
Thy grief makes me ready to die. 
Thy union filled thee with joy, 
Already you J re really his wife. 
Is he not the man of thy choice ? 
daughter, devotedly loved, 
Why plunged in such terrible grief ? 

(Cusi Coyllur has had her face hidden in the 
pillows. She now rises to her feet, throwing 
up her arms.) 

Cusi Coyllur. my mother ! most gracious Queen ! 
How can my tears e'er cease to flow, 
How can my bitter sighs surcease, 
While the valiant Chief I worship 
For many days and sleepless nights, 
All heedless of my tender years, 
Seems quite to have forgotten me ? 
He has turned his regard from his wife 
And no longer seeks for his love. 
my mother ! most gracious Queen ! 
my husband so beloved ! 
Since the day when I last saw my love 
The moon has been hidden from view ; 
The sun shines no more as of old, 
In rising it rolls among mist ; 
At night the stars are all dim, 
All nature seems sad and distressed ; 
The comet with fiery tail, « M " 
Announces my sorrow and grief ; 
Surrounded by darkness and tears, 
Evil auguries fill me with fears. 
my mother ! most gracious Queen ! 
my husband so beloved ! 


Anahuarqui. Compose thyself and dry thine eyes, 
The King, thy father, has arrived. 
Thou lovest Ollantay, my child ? 

(Enter the Inoa Pachacuti. On his head 
the mascapaycha, with the llautu or imperial 
fringe. A tunic of cotton embroidered with 
gold ; on his breast the golden breastplate 
representing the sun, surrounded by the 
calendar of months. Bound his waist the 
fourfold belt of tocapu. A crimson mantle of 
fine vicuna wool, fastened on his shoulders 
by golden puma's heads. Shoes of cloth of 
gold. He sits down on the golden tiana.) 

Inca Pachacuti. Cusi Coyllur ! Star of joy, 
Most lovely of my progeny ! 
Thou symbol of parental love — 
Thy lips are like the huayruru. 1 
Rest upon thy father's breast, 
Repose, my child, -within mine arms. 

(Cusi Coyllur comes across. They embrace.) 

Unwind thyself, my precious one, 
A thread of gold within the woof. 
All my happiness rests upon thee, 
Thou art my greatest delight. 
Thine eyes are lovely and bright, 
As the rays of my father the Sun. 
When thy lips are moving to speak, 
When thine eyelids are raised with a smile, 
The wide world is fairly entranced. 
Thy breathing embalms the fresh air ; 

l Huayruru is the seed of a thorny bush, erythrina rubra, of a 
bright red colour. Zegarra has coral as the equivalent for huayruru. 

scene n THE HARVEST SONG 353 

Without thee thy father would pine, 
Life to him would be dreary and waste. 
He seeks for thy happiness, child, 
Thy welfare is ever his care. 

(Cusi Coyllur throws herself at his feet.) 

Cusi Coyllur. father, thy kindness to me 
I feel ; and embracing thy knees 
All the grief of thy daughter will cease, 
At peace when protected by thee. 

Pachacuti. How is this ! my daughter before me 
On knees at my feet, and in tears ? 
I fear some evil is near — 
Such emotion must needs be explained. 

Cusi Coyllur. The star does weep before Inti, 
The limpid tears wash grief away. 

Pachacuti. Rise, my beloved, my star, 
Thy place is on thy dear father's knee. 

(Cusi Coyllur rises and sits on a stool by her 
father. An attendant approaches.) 

Attendant. King ! thy servants come to please thee. 
Pachacuti. Let them all enter. 

(Boys and girls enter dancing. After the 
dance they sing a harvest song.) 

Thou must not feed, 

Tuyallay, 1 
In Nusta's field, 

Thou must not rob, 

The harvest maize, 


1 The tuya (coccdborus chrysogaster) is a small finch, and tuyallay 
means ' my little tuya.' 


The grains are white, 

So sweet for food, 

The fruit is sweet, 
The leaves are green 
Tuyallay ; 
But the trap is set, 
The lime is there, 

We '11 cut thy claws, 

To seize thee quick, 
Ask Piscaca, 1 

Nailed on a branch, 

Where is her heart, 
Tuyallay ? 
Where her plumes, 
*-vi Tuyallay? 
She is cut up, 

For stealing grain, 
See the fate, 

Of robber birds, 


l The piscaca is a much larger bird than the tuya. These 
piscacas (coccoborus torridus) are nailed to trees as a warning to 
other birds. They are black, with white breasts. 

scene ii THE YARAHUI 355 

Pachacidi. Cusi Coyllur, remain thou here, 
Thy mother's palace is thy home ; 
Fail not to amuse thyself, 
Surrounded by thy maiden friends. 

[Exeunt the Inca Pachacuti, the Ccoya 
Anahuarqui, and attendants. 

Cusi Coyllur. I should better like a sadder song. 
My dearest friends, the last you sang 
To me foreshadowed evil things ; l 
You who sang it leave me now. 

[Exeunt boys and girls, except one girl 
who sings. 

Two loving birds are in despair, 2 
They moan, they weep, they sigh ; 

For snow has fallen on the pair, 
To hollow tree they fly. 

But lo ! one dove is left alone 

And mourns her cruel fate ; 
She makes a sad and piteous moan, 

Alone without a mate. 

She fears her friend is dead and gone- 
Confirmed in her belief, 

Her sorrow finds relief in song, 
And thus she tells her grief. 

' Sweet mate ! Alas, where art thou now ? 

I miss thine eyes so bright, 
Thy feet upon the tender bough, 

Thy breast so pure and bright.' 

1 In the tuya she sees her husband Ollantay, while the poor 
prinoess herself is the forbidden grain. 

2 This is a yarahui or mournful elegy, of which there are so 
many in the Quichua language. The singers of them were known 
as yarahuec. 

aa 2 


She wanders forth from stone to stone, 

She seeks her mate in vain ; 
' My love ! my love ! ' she makes her moan, 

She falls, she dies in pain. 

Cusi Coyllur, That yarahui is too sad, 
Leave me alone. 

[Exit the girl who sang the yarahui. 
Now my tears can freely flow. 

Scene 3 

Great hall in the 'palace of Pachacuti. The Inca, as 
before, discovered seated on a golden tiana l. Enter to him r. 
Ollantay and Rumi-naui. 

Pachacuti. The time has arrived, great Chiefs, 
To decide on the coming campaign. 
The spring is approaching us now, 
And our army must start for the war. 
To the province of Colla 1 we march — 
There is news of Chayanta's 2 advance. 
The enemies muster in strength, 
They sharpen their arrows and spears. 

Ollantay. King, that wild rabble untaught 
Can never resist thine array ; 
Cuzco alone with its height 
Is a barrier that cannot be stormed. 
Twenty four thousand of mine, 
With their champis 3 selected with care, 
Impatiently wait for the sign, 

1 Colla-suyu, the basin of lake Titicaca. 

2 Chayanta, a tribe in the montafia south of the Collas. 

3 Ohampi, a one-handed battle-axe. 


The sound of the beat of my drums, 1 
The strains of my clarion and fife. 

Pachacuti. Strive then to stir them to fight, 
Arouse them to join in the fray, 
Lest some should desire to yield, 
To escape the effusion of blood. 

Rumi-naui. The enemies gather in force, 
The Yuncas 3 are called to their aid ; 
■ They have put on their garbs for the war, 
And have stopped up the principal roads. 
All this is to hide their defects — 
The men of Chayanta are base. 
We hear they 're destroying the roads, 
But we can force open the way ; 
Our llamas are laden with food — 
We are ready to traverse the wilds. 

Pachacuti. Are you really ready to start 
To punish those angry snakes ? 
But first you must give them a chance 
To surrender, retiring in peace, 
So that blood may not flow without cause, 
That no deaths of my soldiers befall. 

Ollantay. I am ready to march with my men, 
Every detail prepared and in place, 
But alas ! I am heavy with care, 
Almost mad with anxious suspense. 

Pachacuti. Speak, Ollantay. Tell thy wish — 
'Tis granted, e'en my royal fringe. 

Ollantay. Hear me in secret, King. 

Pachacuti (to Rumi-naui). Noble Chief of Colla, retire 
Seek repose in thy house for a time. 
I will call thee before very long, 

i Huancar, a drum ; pututu, fife. 

2 Yunca, inhabitant of warm valley. Here it refers to tl 
wild tribes of the montafia. 


Having need of thy valour and skill. 
Bumi-naui. With respect I obey thy command. 

[Exit Bumi-naui. 

Ollantay. Thou knowest, most gracious Lord, 
That I have served thee from a youth, 
Have worked with fortitude and truth, 
Thy treasured praise was my reward. 1 

All dangers I have gladly met, 
For thee I always watched by night, 
For thee was forward in the fight, 
My forehead ever bathed in sweat. 

For thee I 've been a savage foe, 
Urging my Antis 3 not to spare, 
But kill and fill the land with fear, 
And make the blood of conquered flow. 

My name is as a dreaded rope, 3 
I 've made the hardy Yuncas 4 yield, 
By me the fate of Chancas 5 sealed, 
They are thy thralls without a hope. 

1 In the original Quichua, Ollantay makes his appeal to the 
Inoa in quatrains of octosyllabic verses, the first line rhyming with 
the last, and the second with the third. Garcilasso de la Vega and 
others testify to the proficiency of the Incas in this form of com- 

2 Ollantay was Viceroy of Anti-suyu. 

3 Chahuar, a rope of aloe fibre. A curb or restraint. 

4 Baprancutan cuchurcani ; literally, ' I have clipped their wings.' 
Rapra, a wing. 

5 The powerful nation of Chancas, with their chief, Huan- 
cavilca, inhabited the great valley of Andahuaylas and were 
formidable rivals of the Incas. But they were subdued by 
Pachacuti long before Ollantay can have been born. An allow- 
able dramatic anachronism. 


'Twas I who struck the fatal blow, 
When warlike Huancavilca l rose, 
Disturbing thy august repose, 
And laid the mighty traitor low. 2 

OUantay ever led the van, 
Wherever men were doomed to die ; 
When stubborn foes were forced to fly, 
OUantay ever was the man. 

Now every tribe bows down to thee — 
Some nations peacefully were led, 
Those that resist their blood is shed — 
But all, King, was due to me. 

Sovereign Inca, great and brave, 
Rewards I know were also mine, 
My gratitude and thanks are thine, 
To me the golden axe you gave. 

Inca ! thou gavest me command 
And rule o'er all the Anti race, 
To me they ever yield with grace, 
And thine, great King, is all their land, 

My deeds, my merits are thine own, 
To thee alone my work is due. 
For one more favour I would sue, 
My faithful service — thy renown. 

(OUantay kneels before the Inca.) 
l & 2 Huancavilca was chief of the powerful nation of Chancas 


Thy thrall : I bow to thy behest, 
Thy fiat now will seal my fate. 

King, my services are great, 

1 pray thee grant one last request. 

I ask for Cusi Coyllur's hand 
If the Nusta's 1 love I 've won. 
King ! you '11 have a faithful son, 
Fearless, well tried, at thy command. 

Pachacuti. Ollantay, thou dost now presume. 
Thou art a subject, nothing more. 
Remember, bold one, who thou art, 
And learn to keep thy proper place. 

Ollantay. Strike me to the heart. 

Pachacuti. 'Tis for me to see to that, 
And not for thee to choose. 
Thy presumption is absurd. 
Be gone ! 

[Ollantay rises and exit b. 

Scene 4 

A rocky height above Guzco to the NE. Distant view 
of the city of Cuzco and of the Sacsahuaman hill, crowned 
by the fortress. 

{Enter Ollantay armed.) 

Ollantay. Alas, Ollantay ! Ollantay ! 
Thou master of so many lands, 
Insulted by him thou servedst well. 
my thrice-beloved Coyllur, 
Thee too I shall lose for ever. 

1 ffvMa, Princess, 


the void * within my heart, 

my princess ! precious dove ! 
Cuzco ! thou beautiful city ! 
Henceforth behold thine enemy. 

1 '11 bare thy breast to stab thy heart, 
And throw it as food for condors ; 
Thy cruel Inca I will slay. 

I will call my men in thousands, 
The Antis will be assembled, 
Collected as with a lasso. 
All will be trained, all fully armed, 
I will guide them to Sacsahuaman. 
They will be as a cloud of curses, 
When flames rise to the heavens. 
Cuzco shall sleep on a bloody couch, 
The King shall perish in its fall ; 
Then shall my insulter see 
How numerous are my followers. 
When thou, proud King, art at my feet, 
We then shall see if thou wilt say, 
' Thou art too base for Coyllur's hand.' 
Not then will I bow down and ask, 
For I, not thou, will be the King — 
Yet, until then, let prudence rule. 

(Enter Piqui Chaqui from back, r.) 
Piqui Chaqui, go back with speed, 
Tell the Princess I come to-night. 

Piqui Chaqui. I have only just come from there — 
The palace was deserted quite, 
No soul to tell me what had passed, 
Not even a dog 2 was there. 

i Pisipachiyqui, to suffer from the void caused by absence.' 
Pisipay, to regret the absence of, to miss any one. 

a The Dominican text has misi, a cat, instead of alko, a dog. 
Von Tschudi thought that misi was a word of Spanish origin. 


All the doors were closed and fastened, 
Except the principal doorway, 
And that was left without a guard. 

Ollantay. And the servants ? 

Piqui Chaqui. Even the mice had fled and gone, 
For nothing had been left to eat. 
Only an owl was brooding there, 
Uttering its cry of evil omen. 

Ollantay. Perhaps then her father has taken her, 
To bide her in his palace bounds. 

Piqui Chaqui. The Inca may have strangled her ; 
Her mother too has disappeared. 

Ollantay. Did no one ask for me 
Before you went away ? 

Piqui Chaqui. Near a thousand men are seeking 
For you, and all are enemies, 
Armed with their miserable clubs. 

Ollantay. If they all arose against me, 
With this arm I 'd fight them all ; 
No one yet has beat this hand, 
Wielding the champi sharp and true. 

Piqui Chaqui. I too would like to give a stroke — 
At least, if my enemy was unarmed. 

Ollantay. To whom ? 

Piqui Chaqui. I mean that Urco Huaranca chief, 
Who lately was in search of thee. 

Ollantay. Perhaps the Inca sends him here ; 
If so my anger is aroused. 

Piqui Chaqui. Not from the King, I am assured, 
He cometh of his own accord ; 
And yet he is an ignoble man. 

Ollantay. He has left Cuzco, I believe ; 

Zegarra says that it is not. Before the Spaniards came, there was 
a small wild cat in the Andes called misi-puna. But the Justiniani 
text has allco, a dog. 

My own heart tells me it is so — 
I 'm sure that owl announces it. 
We '11 take to the hills at once. 

Piqui Chaqui. But wilt thou abandon the Star ? 

Ollantay. What can I do, alas ! 
Since she has disappeared ? 
Alas, my dove ! my sweet princess. 

(Music heard among the rocks.) 

Piqui Chaqui. Listen to that yarahui, 
The sound comes from somewhere near. 
(They sit on rocks.) 


In a moment I lost my beloved, 
She was gone, and I never knew where ; 

I sought her in fields and in woods, 
Asking all if they 'd seen the Ooyllur. 

Her face was so lovely and fair, 
They called her the beautiful Star. 

No one else can be taken for her, 
With her beauty no girl can compare. 

Both the sun and the moon seem to shine, 
Kesplendent they shine from a height, 

Their rays to her beauty resign 
Their brilliant light with delight. 

Her hair is a soft raven black, 

Her tresses are bound with gold thread, 
They fall in long folds down her back, 

And add charm to her beautiful head. 

Her eyelashes brighten her face, 
Two rainbows less brilliant and fair, 


Her eyes full of mercy and grace, 
With nought but two suns can compare. 

The eyelids with arrows concealed, 
Gaily shoot their rays into the heart ; 

They open, lo ! beauty revealed, 
Pierces through like a glittering dart. 

Her cheeks Achancara x on snow, 

Her face more fair than the dawn, 
From her mouth^the laughter doth flow, 

Between pearls as bright as the morn. 

Smooth as crystal and spotlessly clear 
Is her throat, like the corn in a sheaf ; 

Her bosoms, which scarcely appear, 
Like flowers concealed by a leaf. 

Her beautiful hand is a sight, 

As it rests from all dangers secure, 
Her fingers transparently white, 

Like icicles spotless and pure. 

Ollantay (rising). That singer, unseen and unknown, 
Has declared Coyllur's beauty and grace ; 
He should fly hence, where grief overwhelms. 

Princess ! loveliest Star, 

1 alone am the cause of thy death, 
I also should die with my love. 

Piqui Chaqui. Perhaps thy star has passed away, 
For the heavens are sombre and grey. 

Ollantay. When they know that their Chief has fled, 

l Achancara, a begonia. A red flower in the neighbourhood 
of Cuzco, according to Zegarra. One variety is red and white. 

suisne v unwi JTAUtlAUUXJ. AJXV ±CUM1-JNAU1 300 

My people will rise at my call, 
They will leave the tyrant in crowds 
And he will be nearly alone. 

Piqui Chaqui. Thou hast love and affection from men, 
For thy kindness endears thee to all, 
For thy hand 's always open with gifts, 
And is closely shut only to me. 

Ollantay. Of what hast thou need ? 

Piqui Chaqui. What ? the means to get this and that, 
To offer a gift to my girl, 
To let others see what I have, 
So that I may be held injjesteem. 

Ollantay. Be as brave as thou art covetous, 
And all the world will fear thee. 

Piqui Chaqui. My face is not suited for that ; 
Always gay and ready to laugh, 
My features are not shaped that way. 
To look brave ! not becoming to me. 
What clarions sound on the hills ? 
It quickly cometh near to us. 

(Both look out at different sides.) 

Ollantay. I doubt not those who seek me — come, 
Let us depart and quickly march. 

Piqui Chaqui. When flight is the word, I am here. 


Scene 5 

The great hall of the palace of Pachacuti. The Inca, 
as before, seated on the tiana. Enter to Inhn Rumi-naui. 

Pachacuti. I ordered a search to be made, 
But Ollantay was not to be found. 
My rage I can scarcely control — 
Hast thou found this infamous wretch ? 


Bumi-naui. His fear makes him hide from thy wrath. 

Pachacuti. Take a thousand men fully armed, 
And at once commence the pursuit. 

Bumi-naui. "Who can tell what direction to take ? 
Three days have gone by since his flight, 
Perchance he 's concealed in some house, 
And till now he is there, safely hid. 

(Enter a chasqui or messenger with quipua.) 

Behold, King, a messenger ; 
Prom Urubamba he has come. 

Chasqui. I was ordered to come to my King, 
Swift as the wind, and behold me. 

Pachacuti. What news bringest thou ? 

Chasqui. This quipu will tell thee, King. 

Pachacuti. Examine it, Eumi-naui. 

Bumi-naui. Behold the ttanta, and the knots J 
Announce the number of his men. 

Pachacuti (to Chasqui). And thou, what- hast thou seen ? 

Chasqui. 'Tis said that all the Anti host 
Received Ollantay with acclaim ; 
Many have seen, and they recount, 
Ollantay wears the royal fringe. 

Bumi-naui. The quipu record says the same. 

Pachacuti. Scarcely can I restrain my rage ! 
Brave chief, commence thy march at once, 
Before the traitor gathers strength. 
If thy force is not enough, 
Add fifty thousand men of mine. 
Advance at once with hghtning speed, 
And halt not till the foe is reached. 

Bumi-naui. To-morrow sees me on the route, 

l The ttanta is the main rope of the quipu, about a yard long. 
The small cords of llama wool, of various colours, denoting different 
subjects, each with various kinds of knots, recording numbers. 


I go to call the troops at once ; 
The rebels on the Colla road, 
I drive them flying down the rocks. 
Thine enemy I bring to thee, 
Dead or alive, Ollantay falls. 
Meanwhile, Inca, mighty Lord, 
Rest and rely upon thy thrall. 




Scene 1 

Ollantay-tampu. Hall of the fortress-palace. Bach 
scene seven immense stone slabs, resting on them a monolith 
right across. Above masonry. At sides masonry with re- 
cesses ; in the b. centre a great doorway. A golden tiana 
against the central slab. 

(Enter Ollantay and Unco Huaranca, both 
fully armed.) 

XJrco Huaranca. Ollantay, thou hast been proclaimed 
By all the Antis as their Lord. 
The women weep, as you will see — 
They lose their husbands and their sons, 
Ordered to the Chayanta war. 
When will there be a final stop 
To distant wars ? Year after year 
They send us all to far-off lands, 
Where blood is made to flow like rain. 
The King himself is well supplied 
With coca and all kinds of food. 
What cares he that his people starve < 
Crossing the wilds our llamas die, 
Our feet are wounded by the thorns, 
And if we would not die of thirst 
We carry water on our backs. 

Ollantay. Gallant friends ! Ye hear those words, 
Ye listen to the mountain chief. 



Filled with compassion for my men, 
I thus, with sore and heavy heart, 
Have spoken to the cruel king : 
' The Anti-suyu must have rest ; 
All her best men shan't die for thee, 
By battle, fire, and disease — 
They die in numbers terrible. 
How many men have ne'er returned, 
How many chiefs have met their death 
For enterprises far away ? ' 
For this I left the Inca's court, 1 
Saying that we must rest in peace ; 
Let none of us forsake our hearths, 
And if the Inca still persists, 
Proclaim with him a mortal feud. 

(Enter Hanco Huayllu, several chiefs, and a 
great crowd of soldiers and people.) 
People. Long live our king, OUantay ! 
Bring forth the standard and the fringe, 
Invest him with the crimson fringe ; 
In Tampu now the Inca reigns, 
He rises like the star of day. 

(The chiefs, soldiers, and people range them- 
selves round. Ollantay is seated on the 
tiana by Hanco Huayllu, an aged Auqui or 

Hanco Huayllu. Receive from me the royal fringe, 
'Tis given by the people's will. 

1 This, as we have seen, was not the reason why Ollantay fled 
from Cuzoo ; but, from a leader's point of view, it was an excellent 
reason to give to the people of Anti-suyu. The great wars of the 
Inoas were, to some extent, a heavy drain upon the people, but 
the recruiting was managed with such skill, and was so equally 
divided among a number of provinces, that it was not much felt. 



Uilcanota 1 is a distant land, 

Yet, even now, her people come 

To range themselves beneath thy law. 

(OUantay is invested with the fringe. He 

OUantay. Urco Huaranca, thee I name 
Of Anti-suyu Chief and Lord; 
Receive the arrows and the plume, 

(Gives them.) 

Henceforth thou art our general. 

People. Long life to the Mountain Chief. 

pllantay. Hanco Huayllu, 2 of all my lords 
Thou art most venerable and wise, 
Being kin to the august High Priest, 
It is my wish that thou shouldst give 
The ring unto the Mountain Chief. 

(Urco Huaranca kneels, and Hanco Huayllu 
addresses him.) 

Hanco Huayllu. This ring around thy finger 's placed 
That thou mayst feel, and ne'er forget, 
That when in fight thou art engaged, 
Clemency becomes a hero chief. 

Urco Huaranca. A thousand times, illustrious king, 
I bless thee for thy trust in me. 

Hanco Huayllu. Behold the valiant Mountain Chief, 
Now fully armed from head to foot, 
And bristling like the quiscahuan, 3 
Accoutred as becomes a knight. 

1 The snowy mountain far to the south, in sight from Cuzco. 
Uilca, sacred ; unuta, water. Here is the source of the river JJilca- 
mayu? which flows by Ollantay-tampu. 

2 The aged Hanco Huayllu as Auqui, or Prince of the Blood, 
and relation of the High Priest, gave eclat to these ceremonies. 

3 Quiscahuan. anything full of thorns. 

scene i INVESTITURES 371 

(Turning to Urco Huaranca.) 
Ne'er let thine enemies take thee in rear ; 
Man of the Puna, 1 it ne'er can be said 
You fled or trembled as a reed. 

Urco Huaranca. Hear me, warriors of the Andes ! 
Already we have a valiant king, 
It might be he will be attacked ; 
'Tis said th' old Inca sends a force, 
The men of Cuzco now advance. 
We have not a single day to lose ; 
Call from the heights our Puna men, 
Prepare their arms without delay, 
Make Tampu strong with rampart walls, 
No outlet leave without a guard ; 
On hill slopes gather pois'nous herbs 
To shoot our arrows, carrying death. 

Ollantay (to Urco Huaranca). Select the chiefs ! 
Fix all the posts for different tribes ; 
Our foes keep marching without sleep — 
Contrive to check them by surprise. 
The corrvpi 2 ruse may cause their flight. 

Urco Huaranca. Thirty thousand brave Antis are here, 
Amongst them no weakling is found ; 
Apu Maruti, 3 the mighty in war, 
Prom high Uilcapampa * will come, 
On steep Tinquiqueru 5 he '11 stand, 

1 Puna, the loftier parts of the Andes. 

2 Comjri, cloth or a cloak. This was an expression of the 
ancient Peruvians, perhaps equivalent to our ' hoodwinking.' 

3 Apu Maruti was the head of the ayllu of the Inca Yahuar 
Huaccac, grandfather of Pachacuti. It was called the ayllu 
Aucaylli Panaca. — Mesa, Anales del Cuzco, quoted by Zegarra. 

* Uilcapampa, mass of mountains between the Uilcamayu and 

5 Tinqui Queru, between Urupampa and Tampu. The word 
means ' two vases coupled." Here are two rounded hills connected 
by a saddle, three and a half miles from Tampu. 

bb 2 


To march when the signal appears ; 
On the opposite side of the stream 
Prince Chara 1 has mustered his force ; 
In the gorge Charamuni a I post 
Ten thousand armed Antis on watch ; 
Another such force is in wait 
On the left, in the vale of Pachar. 3 
We are ready to meet our foes, 
We await them with resolute calm ; 
They will march in their confident pride 
Until their retreat is cut off, 
Then the trumpet of war shall resound, 
Prom the mountains the stones shall pour down, 
Great blocks will be hurled from above. 
The Huancas 4 are crushed or dispersed, 
Then the knife shall do its fell work, 
All will perish by blows from our hands, 
Our arrows will follow their flight. 
People and soldiers. It is well ! It is very well ! 
(Cheers and martial music.) 


Scene 2 

A wild place in the mountains. Distant view of 

(Enter Rumi-naui, torn and ragged, and 
covered with Hood, with two attendants.) 

Bumi-fLaui. Ah ! Rumi-naui — Rumi-naui, 5 

i Chara was another descendant of Yahuar Huaccac. 

2 A ravine on the right bank of the Vilcamayu. 

3 Pachar is on the left bank of the Vilcamayu opposite Ollantay- 
tampu, with which it is connected by a rope bridge. 

4 Huancas, natives of the valley of Jauja — Inca recruits. 

6 Like Ollantay in his appeal to the Inca, Rumi-fiaui, in the 

Thou art a fated rolling stone, 1 
Escaped indeed, but quite alone, 
And this is now thy yarahui. 

Ollantay posted on the height, 
Thou couldst not either fight or see, 
Thy men did quickly fall or flee ; 
No room was there to move or fight. 

Thou knowest now thy heart did beat 
And flutter like a butterfly ; 
Thy skill thou couldst not then apply, 
No course was left thee but retreat. 

They had recourse to a surprise, 
Our warriors immolated quite. 
Ah ! that alone «could turn thee white — 
Prom shame like that, canst e'er arise ? 

By thousands did thy warriors fall, 
I hardly could alone escape, 
With open mouth fell death did gape, 
A great disaster did befall. 

Holding that traitor to be brave, 
I sought to meet him face to face — 
Rushing to seek him with my mace, 
I nearly found a warrior's grave. 

My army then was near the hill, 
When suddenly the massive stones 
Came crashing down, with cries and moans, 
While clarions sounded loud and shrill. 

original Quichua, has recourse to octosyllabic quatrains, the first 
and last lines rhyming, and the second and third, 
l Eurni, a stone. 


A rain of stones both great and small 
Down on the crowd of warriors crashed, 
On every side destruction flashed, 
Thy heart the slaughter did appal. 

Like a strong flood the blood did flow, 
Inundating the ravine ; 
So sad a sight thou ne'er hast seen — 
No man survived to strike a blow. 

thou who art by this disgraced, 
What figure canst thou ever show 
Before the king, who seeks to know 
The truth, which must be faced ? 

'Tis better far myself to kill, 
Or losing every scrap of hope, 
To hang my body with this rope. 

(Takes a sling off his cap — going.) 
Yet may it not be useful still ? 

(Turns again.) 
When bold Ollantay's end has come. 1 


l Clearly, from Rumi-naui's own account, the strategy of 
Urco Huaranca had been a complete and brilliant success. 

Scene 3 

A garden in the house of the Virgins of the Sun. Chiloa 
shrubs and mulli trees (Schinus Molle) with panicles o) 
red berries. The walls of the house at the bach, with a door. 
A gate (l.) opening on the street. 

(Yma Sumao discovered at the gate looking 
out. To her enters (k.) Pitu Salla. Both 
dressed in white with golden belts.) 

Pitu Salla. Yma Sumac, do not approach 
So near that gate, and so often ; 
It might arouse the Mother's wrath. 
Thy name, which is so dear to me, I 
Will surely pass from mouth to mouth. 
Honour shall be shown to chosen ones, 1 
Who wish to close the outer gate. 
Amuse thyself within the walls, 
And no one then can say a word. 
Think well what you can find within — 
It gives you all you can desire, 
Of dresses, gold, and dainty food. 
Thou art beloved by every one, 
E'en Virgins of the royal blood. 
The Mothers love to carry thee, 
They give thee kisses and caress — 
You they prefer to all the rest. 
What more could any one desire, 
Than always to remain with them, 

1 Aclla Cum, the selected ones, the Virgins of the Sun. They 
were under the supervision of so called Mothers — Mama Cuna. The 
novices were not obliged to take the oaths at the end of their 


Destined to be servant of the Sun ? 
In contemplating Him there 's peace. 

Yma Sumac. Pitu Salla, ever you repeat 
The same thing and the same advice ; 
I will open to thee my whole heart, 
And say exactly what I think. 
Know that to me this court and house 
Are insupportable — no less ; 
The place oppresses — frightens me — 
Each day I curse my destiny. 
The faces of all the Mama Cuna 
Pill me with hatred and disgust, 
And from the place they make me sit, 
Nothing else is visible. 
Around me there is nothing bright, 
All are weeping and ne'er cease ; 
If I could ever have my way, 
No person should remain within. 
I see the people pass outside, 
Laughing as they walk along. 
The reason it is plain to see — 
They are not mewed and cloistered here. 
Is it because I have no mother, 
That I am kept a prisoner ? 
Or is it I 'm a rich novice ? 
Then from to-day I would be poor. 
Last night I could not get to sleep, 
I wandered down a garden walk ; 
In the dead silence of the night, 
I heard one mourn. A bitter cry, 
As one who sought and prayed for death. 
On every side I looked about, 
My hair almost on end with fright, 
Trembling, I cried, ' Who canst thou be ? ' 
Then the voice murmured these sad words : 

o<-; m HJ.U A lVl.rt.lVlA \J\JJ±VJKj±l. Oil 

' Sun, release me from this place ! ' 

And this amidst such sighs and groans ! 

I searched about, but nothing found — 

The grass was rustling in the wind. 

I joined my tears to that sad sound, 

My heart was torn with trembling fear. 

When now the recollection comes, 

I 'm filled with sorrow and with dread. 

You know now why I hate this place. 

Speak no more, my dearest friend, 

Of reasons for remaining here. 
Pitu Salla. At least go in. The Mother may appear, 
Yma Sumac. But pleasant is the light of day. 

[Exit, b. 

(Enter Mama Ccacca, l., in grey with Mack 
edges and belt.) 

Mama Ccacca. Pitu Salla, hast thou spoken 
All I told thee to that child ? 

Pitu Salla. I have said all to her. 

Mama Ccacca. And she, does she answer freely ? 

Pitu Salla. She has wept and asked for pity, 
Refusing to comply at all. 
She will not take the virgin's oath. 

Mama Ccacca. And this in spite of thy advice ? 

Pitu Salla. I showed her the dress she will wear, 
Telling her misfortune would befall 
If she refused to be a chosen one — 
That she would ever be an outcast, 
And for us a child accursed. 

Mama Ccacca. What can she imagine, 
Wretched child of an unknown father, 
A maid without a mother, 
Just a fluttering butterfly ? 
Tell her plainly, very plainly, 


That these walls offer her a home, 
Suited for outcasts such as she, 
And here no light is seen. 

[Exit, i, 

Pitu Salla. Ay, my Sumac ! Yma Sumac ! 
These walls will be cruel indeed, 
To hide thy surpassing beauty. 

(Glancing to where Mama Ccacca went out.) 

What a serpent ! What a puma ! 


Scene 1 

The Pampa Moroni, a street in Cuzco. Enter Rumi- 
naui (l.) * in a long black cloak with a train, and Piqui 
Chaqui (r.), meeting each other. 

Bumi-naui. Whence, Piqui Chaqui, comest thou ? 
Dost thou here seek OUantay's fate ? 

Piqui Chaqui. Cuzco, great lord, is my birthplace ; 
I hasten back unto my home. 
I care not more to pass my days 
In dismal and profound ravines. 

Bumi-naui. Tell me, Ollantay — -what does he ? 

Piqui Chaqui. He is busy now entangling 
An already entangled skein. 

Bumi-naui. What skein ? 

l Bumi-naui is the interlocutor in the Jusliniani text, in the 
Dominican text, and in the text of Spilsbury. Yet Zegarra would 
substitute the Uillao Uma or High Priest for Rumi-naui. His 
argument is that the interlocutor was of the blood-royal, and that 
the High Priest was always of the blood-royal, while Rumi-naui 
was not. But the text does not say that the interlocutor was of 
the royal blood. Zegarra also says that the interlocutor wore a 
black cloak with a long train, and that this was the dress of the 
High Priest. But it was not the dress of the High Priest as 
described by the best authorities. It was probably the general 
mourning dress. The threats addressed to Piqui Chaqui were 
likely enough to come from a soldier, but not from the High Priest 
as he is portrayed in this drama. 



Piqui Chaqui. Should you not give me some present 
If you want me to talk to you. 

Bumi-naui. With a stick will I give thee blows, 
With a rope I will hang thee. 

Piqui Ghaqui. 0, do not frighten me ! 

Bumi-naui. Speak then. 

Piqui Chaqui. Ollantay. Is it Ollantay ? 
I can remember no more. 

Bumi-naui. Piqui Chaqui ! Take care ! 

Piqui Chaqui. But you will not listen ! 
I am turning blind, 
My ears are getting deaf, 
My grandmother is dead, 
My mother is left alone. 

Bumi-naui. Where is Ollantay ? Tell me. 

Piqui Chaqui. I am in want of bread, 
And the Paccays 1 are not ripe. 
I have a long journey to-day — 
The desert is very far off. 

Bumi-naui. If you continue to vex me 
I will take your life. 

Piqui Ghaqui. Ollantay, is it ? He is at work. 
Ollantay ! He is building a wall, 
With very small stones indeed ; 
They are brought by little dwarfs — 
So small that to be a man's size 
They have to climb on each other's backs. 
But tell me, friend of the King, 2 

i Paccay [mimosa incana), a tree with large pods, having a 
snow-white woolly substance round the seeds, with sweet juice. 

3 The Zegarra and Spilsbury texts have Cam Incacri, which 
Zegarra translates, ' relation of the Inca, of the royal family. 1 
Spilsbury is more correct. He has * partisan of the Inca.' The 
more authentic Justiniani text has Ccan Pafia. The particle ri is 
one of emphasis or repetition. It does not mean a relation. 


Why art thou in such long clothes, 
Trailing like the wings of a sick bircH— 
As they are black it is better. 

Bumi-naui. Hast thou not seen already 
That Cuzco is plunged in grief ? 
The great Inca Pachacuti a is dead, 
All the people are in mourning, 
Every soul is shedding tears. 

Piqui Chaqui. Who, then, succeeds to the place 
Which Pachacuti has left vacant ? 
If Tupac Yupanqui succeeds, 
That Prince is the youngest ; 
There are some others older. 3 

Bumi-naui. All Cuzco has elected him, 
For the late king chose him, 
Giving him the royal fringe ; 
We could elect no other. 

Piqui Chaqui. I hasten to bring my bed here. 4 

[Exit running. 

1 The Zegarra and Spilsbury texts have JiuaVpa, a game bird. 
The Justiniani text has artca, an eagle, which is the correct reading. 

3 The Inca Pachacuti does not appear to advantage in the 
drama. But he was the greatest man of his dynasty, indeed the 
greatest that the red race has produced. He was a hero in his 
youth, a most able aclrninistrator in mature age. As a very old 
man some needless cruelties are reported of htm which annoyed 
his son. 

3 The eldest son was Amaru Tupac. He was passed over by 
his father with his own consent, and was ever faithful to his younger 
brother. He was an able general. 

* This was exactly what Piqui Chaqui was sent to Cuzco to 
find out. The expression Apmrtusac jmnunayta, ' I go to fetch 
my bed,' is one of joy at any fortunate event, in Quichua. 


Scene 2 

Great hall of the palace of Tupac Yupanqui. The 
Inca seated on golden tiana (c). 

(Enter the High Priest or Uillac Uma, with 
priests and chosen Virgins of the Sun. The 
Inca dressed as his father. Uillac Uma in 
full dress, wearing the huampar chucu. 
Virgins in white with gold belts and diadems. 
They range themselves by the throne (l.). 
Then enter Rumi-naui and a crowd of chiefs, 
all in full dress, ranging themselves by the 
throne (r.).) 

Tupac Yupanqui. This day, Councillors and Chiefs, 
Let all receive my benison ; 
You Holy Virgins of the Sun * 
Receive our father's tenderest care. 
The realm, rejoicing, hails me king ; 
From deep recesses of my heart 
I swear to seek the good of all. 

Uillac Uma. To-day the smoke of many beasts 
Ascends on high towards the sun, 
The Deity with joy accepts 
The sacrifice of prayer and praise. 

»i Intic Huamin Gaccunan (Intic Huarminca Caycuna, correct), 
' Ye women of the Sun.' Zegarra thought, on the authority of 
Garcilasso de la Vega, that these could not be select Virgins of the 
Sun, because the virgins were never allowed outside their convent, 
and not even women might enter. He is clearly wrong. Much 
higher authorities than Garcilasso, as regards this point, especially 
Valera, tell us that the virgins were treated with the greatest honour 
and respect. They took part in great receptions and festivals, 
and when they passed along the streets they had a guard of honour. 

scene n UILLAC UMA— RUMI-ftAUI 383 

We found in ashes of the birds 
Our only Inca, King, and Lord, 
In the great llama sacrifice ; 
All there beheld an eagle's form, 
We opened it for augury, 
But lo ! the heart and entrails gone. 
The eagle Anti-suyu means — 
To thy allegiance they return. 

(Bowing to the Inca.) 

Thus I, thy augur, prophesy. 

(Acclamation.) [Exeunt all but Uillac Uma 
and Eumi-naui. 

Tupac Ywpanqui (turning to Eumi-naui). Behold the 
Hanan-suyu Chief 
Who let the enemy escape, 
Who led to almost certain death 
So many thousands of my men. 

Bumi-naui. Before his death thy father knew 
Disaster had befallen me ; 
'Tis true, King, it was my fault, 
Like a stone x I gave my orders, 
And volleying stones soon beat me down ; 
It was with stones I had to fight, 
And in the end they crushed my men. 
Oh ! grant me, Lord, a single chance, 
Give perfect freedom to my plans, 
Myself will to the fortress march, 
And I will leave it desolate. 

Tupac Yupanqui. For thee to strive with all thy might, 
For thee thine honour to regain, 
For thou shalt ne'er command my men 
Unless thy worthiness is proved. 

l Bumi. He keeps playing upon his name. 


Uillac Uma. Not many days shall pass, King, 
E'er all the Antis are subdued. 
I've seen it in the quipu roll, 
Haste ! Haste ! thou Rumi Tunqui. 1 


Scene 3 

The great terrace entrance to Ollantay-tam'pu. On e. 
a long masonry wall with recesses at intervals. At bach 
a great entrance doorway. On l. terraces descend, with 
view of valley and mountains. 

(Guards discovered at entrance doorway. To 
them enter Rumi-naui in rags, his face cut 
and slashed with wounds, and covered with 

Rumi-naui. Will no one here have pity on me ? 

One of the Guards. Who art thou, man ? 
Who has ill-treated thee ? 
Thou comest in a frightful state, 
Covered with blood and gaping wounds. 

Rumi-naui. Go quickly to thy king and say 
That one he loves has come to him. 

One of the Guards. Thy name ? 

Rumi-naui. There is no need to give a name. 

One of the Guards. Wait here. 

[Exit one of the guards. 

l Again playing upon the name of Rumi-naui. The High 
Priest calls for haste, so he substitutes Tunqui for Saui (eye), the 
tunqui (Rupicola Peruviana) being one of the most beautiful birds 
in the forests. 


(Enter Ollantay with guards, e. front.) 

Bumi-naui. A thousand times I thee salute, 
OUantay, great and puissant king ! 
Have pity on a fugitive 
Who seeks a refuge here with thee. 

OUantay. Who art thou, man? Approach nearer. 
Who has thus ill-treated thee? 
Were such deep and fearful wounds 
Caused by a fall, or what mishap ? 

Bumi-naui. Thou knowest me, mighty chief. 
I am that stone that fell down once, 
But now I fall before thy feet ; 
Inca ! mercy ! Raise me up ! 


OUantay. Art thou the noble Rumi-naui, 
Great Chief and Lord of Hanan-suyu ? 

Bumi-naui. Yes, I was that well-known Chief — 
A bleeding fugitive to-day. 

OUantay. Rise, comrade mine. Let us embrace. 


Who has dared to treat thee thus, 
And who has brought thee here to me 
Within my fortress, on my hearth ? 

(To attendants.) 
Bring new clothes for my oldest friend. 

[Exit an attendant. 
How is it that thou art alone ? 
Camest thou not fearing death ? 

Bumi-naui. A new king reigns in Cuzco now — 
Tupac Yupanqui is installed. 
Against the universal wish, 
He rose upon a wave of blood ; 
Safety he sees in headless trunks, 



The sunchu 1 and the nucchu z red 
Are sent to all he would destroy. 
Doubtless you have not forgot 
That I was Hanan-suyu's Chief. 
Yupanqui ordered me to come ; 
Arrived, I came before the king, 
And as he has a cruel heart, 
He had me wounded as you see ; 
And now thou knowest, king and friend, 
How this new Inca treated me. 

Ollantay. Grieve not, old friend Eumi-naui, 
Thy wounds before all must be cured; 
I see in thee th' avenging knife, 
To use against the tyrant's heart. 

At Tampu now we celebrate 

The Sun's great Baymi festival ; 

On that day all who love my name, 

Throughout my realms hold festival. 
Rumi-fiaui. Those three days of festival 

To me will be a time of joy, 

Perhaps I may be healed by then, 

So that my heart may pleasure seek. 

Ollantay. It will be so. For three whole nights 

We drink and feast, to praise the Sun, 

The better to cast all care aside 

We shall be shut in Tampu fort. 
Rumi-fiaui. The youths, as is their wont, will find 

Their great delight in those three nights, 

Then will they rest from all their toils, 

And carry off the willing girls. 

] Sunchu, a very large composite, with a yellow flower, growing round 
Cuzeo. It was one of those which were used on sacred festivals. 

a Nucchu is a salvia, also considered sacred. A red flower. 
Perhaps these flowers were sent as a summons from the Inca, but 
I have not seen^the custom mentioned elsewhere. 


Scene 4 
A corridor in the palace of Chosen Virgins. 

(Enter Yma Sumac and Pitu Salla.) 

Yma Sumac. Pitu Salla, beloved friend, 
How long wilt thou conceal from me 
The secret that I long to know? 
Think, dearest, of my anxious heart, 
How I shall be in constant grief 
Until you tell the truth to me. 
Within these hard and cruel bounds 
Does some one suffer for my sins ? 
My sweet companion, do not hide 
From me, who 'tis that mourns and weeps 
Somewhere within the garden walls. 
How is it she is so concealed 
That I can never find the place ? 

Pitu Salla. My Sumac, now I '11 tell thee all — 
Only concerning what you hear, 
And still more surely what you see, 
You must be dumb as any stone ; 
And you too must be well prepared 
For a most sad heart-rending sight — 
'Twill make thee weep for many days. 

Yma Sumac. I will not tell a living soul 
What you divulge. But tell me all, 
I '11 shut it closely in my heart. 


Scene 5 

A secluded part of the gardens of the Virgins, (l.) flowers, 
(e.) a thicket of mulli 1 and chilca, 2 concealing a stone door. 

(Pitu Salla and Yma Sumac.) 
Pitu Salla. In this garden is a door of stone, 
But wait until the Mothers sleep, 
The night conies on. Wait here for me. 


(Yma Sumac reclines on a bank and sleeps. 
Night comes on, Yma Sumac awakes.) 

Yma Sumac. A thousand strange presentiments 
Crowd on me now, I scarce know what — 
Perhaps I shall see that mournful one 
Whose fate already breaks my heart. 

(Pitu Salla returns with a cup of water, a 
small covered vase containing food, and a 
torch which she gives to Yma Sumac. She 
leads Yma Sumac through bushes to the 
stone door, fixes the torch, presses something, 
and the door swings round.) 

(Cusi Coyllur is discovered senseless, extended 
on the ground, a snake twining itself round 
her waist.) 

Pitu Salla. Behold the princess for whom you seek. 
Well ! is thy heart now satisfied ? 

i Schirms Molle, a tree with pinnate leaves, and panicles of 
red berries, well known in the Mediterranean countries, into which 
it was introduced from Peru. Called by the English ' pepper tree.' 

2 Several bushes are called chilca in Peru. Eupatorium chilca 
(R.P. ), baccharis scandens, and molina latijolia. Stereoxylon pendulum 
is called puma chilca. 


Yma Sumac. Oh, my friend, what do I behold ? 
Is it a corpse that I must see ? 
Oh, horror ! A dungeon for the dead ! 
(She faints.) 

Pitu Salla. What misfortune has now arrived ? 
my Sumac, my dearest love, 
come to thyself without delay ! 
Arouse thee. Arise, my lovely flower. 

(Yma Sumac revives.) 
Fear not, my dove, my lovely friend, 
'Tis not a corpse. The princess lives, 
Unhappy, forlorn, she lingers here. 

Yma Sumac. Is she, then, still a living being ? 

Pitu Salla. Approach nearer, and you can help. 
She lives indeed. Look. Watch her now. 
Give me the water and the food. 

(To Cusi Coyllur, while helping her to sit up.) 
fair princess, I bring thee food 
And cooling water to refresh. 
Try to sit up. I come with help. 

Yma Sumac. Who art thou, my sweetest dove ? 
Why art thou shut in such a place ? 

Pitu Salla. Take a little food, we pray. 
Perchance without it you may die. 

Cusi Coyllur. How happy am I now to see, 
After these long and dismal years, 
The new and lovely face of one 
Who comes with thee and gives me joy. 

Yma Sumac. my princess, my sister dear, 
Sweet bird, with bosom of pure gold, 
What crime can they accuse thee of, 
That they can make thee suffer thus ? 
What cruel fate has placed thee here 
With death on watch in serpent's form ? 


Cusi Coyllur. charming child, the seed of love, 
Sweet flower for my broken heart, 
I have been thrust in this abyss. 
I once was joined to a man 
As pupil is part of the eye ; 
But alas ! has he forgotten me ? 
The King knew not that we were joined 
By such indissoluble bonds, 
And when he came to ask my hand, 
That King dismissed him in a rage, 
And cruelly confined me here. 
Many years have passed since then, 
Yet, as you see, I 'm still alive ; 
No single soul have I beheld 
For all those sad and dismal years, 
Nor have I found relief nor hope. 
But who art thou, my dear, my love, 
So young, so fresh, so pitiful ? 

Yma Sumac. I too, like thee, am full of grief, 
For long I 've wished to see and love, 
My poor forlorn and sad princess. 
No father, no mother are mine, 
And there are none to care for me. 

Cusi Coyllur. What age art thou ? 

Yma Sumac. I ought to number many years, 
For I detest this dreadful house, 
And as it is a dreary place, 
The time in it seems very long. 

Pitu Salla. She ought to number just ten years 
According to the account I 've kept. 

Cusi Coyllur. And what is thy name ? 

Yma Sumac. They call me Yma Sumac now, 
But to give it me is a mistake. 

Cusi Coyllur. my daughter ! my lost love, 


Come to thy mother's yearning heart. 
(Embraces Yma Sumac.) 
Thou art all my happiness, 
My daughter, come, come to me ; 
This joy quite inundates my soul, 
It is the name I gave to thee. 

Yma Sumac. my mother, to find thee thus ! 
We must be parted never more. 
Do not abandon me in grief. 
To whom can I turn to free thee, 
To whom can I appeal for right ? 

Pitu Salla. Make no noise, my dearest friend .: 
To find us thus would ruin me. 
Let us go. I fear the Mothers. 

Yma Sumac (to Cusi Coyllur). Suffer a short time longer 
Until I come to take thee hence, 
Patience for a few more days. 
Alas ! my mother dear ! I go, 
But full of love, to seek for help. 

[Exeunt closing the stone door, all but Cusi 
Coyllur. They extinguish the torch. 

Scene 6 
Great hall in the palace of Tupac Yupanqui. 

(The Inoa discovered seated on the tiana. To 
him enter the Uillao Uma, in full dress.) 

Tupac Yupanqui. I greet thee, great and noble Priest ! 
Hast thou no news of Kumi-fiaui. 

Uillac Uma. Last night, with guards, I wandered out 
On heights towards Uilcafiuta. 


Far off I saw a crowd in chains, 
No doubt the Anti prisoners, 
For they are all defeated quite. 
The cacti * on the mountains smoke, 
E'en now the fortress is in flames. 

Tupac Ywpanqui. And Ollantay, is he taken ? 
Perhaps — I hope his life is saved. 

Uillac Uma. Ollantay was among the flames, 
'Tis said that no one has escaped. 

Tupac Ywpanqui. The Sun, my Father, is my shield, 
I am my father's chosen child. 
We must subdue the rebel host, 
For that I am appointed here. 

(Enter a Chasqui unfh a quipu in his hand.) 

The Chasqui. This morning at the dawn of day, 
Bumi-naui despatched this quipu. 

Tupac Yupanqui (to the Uillac Uma). See what it says. 

Uillac Uma. This knot, coloured burnt ahuarancu, 
Tells us that Tampu too is burnt ; 
This triple knot to which is hung 
Another which is quintuple, 
In all of quintuples are three, 
Denotes that Anti-suyu 's thine, 
Its ruler prisoner of war. 

Tupac Yupanqui (to the Chasqui). And thou. Where 
wert thou ? 

The Chasqui. Sole King and Lord ! Child of the Sun ! 
I am the first to bring the news, 
That thou mayst trample on the foe, 
And in thine anger drink their blood. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Did I not reiterate commands 

l A kind of cactus, of which they make needles, grows abun- 
dantly on the mountains round Ollantay-tampu. It is called 
ahuarancu. They set fire to the cacti as » war signal. Zegarra 
calls it a thistle. The word in the Justiniani text is ahuarancu. 

oujsHBvi vj±\r\Lua& (Ji)' ULLAJNTAY-TAMPU '6))6 

To spare and not to shed their blood- 
Not anger but pity is my rule. 

The Ghasqui. Lord, we have not shed their blood ; 
They were all captured in the night, 
Unable to resist our force. 

Tupac Yu-panqui. Eecount to me in full detail 
The circumstances of the war. 
The Ghasqui. For a signal thy warriors wait. 
The nights passed at Tinquiqueru, 1 
Concealed in the cavern below, 
Yanahuara 2 men joining us late. 

We waited within the large cave, 
Thy men always ready to fight, 
Behind foliage well out of sight, 
Thy warriors patient and brave. 

But for three long days and dark nights, 
No food for the zealous and bold ; 
Feeling hungry, thirsty, and cold, 
We waited and watched for the lights. 3 

Kumi-naui sent orders at length, 
When the Raymi * they carelessly keep, 
And all of them drunk or asleep, 
We were then to rush on with our strength. 

Word came to surprise our foes, 
Bumi-naui had opened the gate, 
As cautious and silent as fate — 
We were masters with none to oppose. 

1 See note, p. 371. 

2 Yanahuara, a ravine near Urubamba, where some of the troops 
of Rumi-naui had been posted. 

3 Signal lights. 

i Ccapac Raymi, the great festival of the Sun. December 22. 


Those rebels fell into the trap, 
The arrows came on them like rain, 
Most died in their sleep without pain, 
Not knowing their fatal mishap. 

OUantay, still trusting, was ta'en, 
The same Urco Huaranca befell ; 
Hanco Huayllu is captive as well, 
We thy rebels in fetters detain. 

The Antis by thousands are slain, 
A fearful example is made, 
They are beaten, crushed, and betrayed, 
Their women in sorrow and pain. 

Tupac Yupanqui. As witness of what has occurred, 
On Vilcamayu's storied banks, 
No doubt thou hast told me the truth. 
It was a well designed attack. 

{Enter Eumi-naui followed by several chiefs.) 

Rumi-naui. Great Inca, I kneel at thy feet, 
This time you will hear my report, 
I beseech thee to deign to restore 
The trust that I forfeited once. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Eise, great Chief, receive my regard, 
I accept thy great service with joy ; 
Thou didst cast o'er the waters thy net, 
And hast captured a marvellous fish. 

Rumi-naui. Our enemies perished in crowds, 
Their chiefs were captured and bound, 
Overwhelmed by my terrible force, 
Like a rock detached from the heights. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Was much blood shed in the assault ? 


Burm-naui. No, Lord, not a drop has been shed, 
To thine orders I strictly adhered. 
Those Antis were strangled in sleep, 
But the fort is entirely razed. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Where are the rebels ? 
Bumi-naui. They are waiting with agonised fear, 
For their fate, to perish by cords. 
The people are sending up cries, 
Demanding their deaths without fail. 
Their women are now in their midst, 
The children raise hideous cries ; 
It is well that thine order should pass 
To finish their traitorous lives. 

Tupac Yupanqui. It must be so without any doubt, 
That the orphans may not be alone, 
Let all perish, not sparing one, 
Thus Cuzco recovers her peace, 
Let the traitors be brought before me. 
In my presence the sentence they '11 hear. 

{Exit Kumi-naui, and re-enter followed bt 
guards in charge of Ollantay, Ubcc 
Huabanca, and Hanco Hauyllu, bourn, 
and bli/ndfold, followed by guards with Piqu: 
Chaqui bound.) 

Tupac Yupanqui. Take the bands off the eyes of thos< 
And now, Ollantay, where art thou ? 
And where art thou, Mountain Chief ? 
Soon thou wilt roll down from the heights. 

(To the soldiers who bring in Piqui Chaqui.' 

Whom have we here ? 

Piqui Chaqui. Many fleas in the Yuncas abound, 
And torment the people full sore, 
With boiling water they are killed, 


And I, poor flea, 1 must also die. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Tell me, Hanco Huayllu, tell me, 
Why art thou Ollantay's man ? 
Did not my father honour thee ? 
Did he not grant thy requests ? 
Did he ever have a secret from thee ? 
Speak also, you, the other rebels, 
Ollantay and the Mountain Chief. 

Ollantay. father, we have nought to say, 
Our crimes are overwhelming us. 

Tupac Yupanqui {to the Uillac Uma). Pronounce 
their sentence, great High Priest. 

Uillac Uma. The light that fills me from the Sun 
Brings %aercy and pardon to my heart. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Now thy sentence, Eumi-naui. 

Bumi-naui. For crimes enormous such as these 
Death should ever be the doom ; 
It is the only way, King ! 
To warn all others from such guilt. 
To stout tocarpus % they should be 
Secured and bound with toughest rope, 
Then should the warriors freely shoot 
Their arrows until death is caused. 

Piqui Ghaqui. Must it be that evermore 
The Antis must all perish thus ? 
Alas ! then let the branches burn — 
What pouring out of blood is here. 3 

Bumi-fiaui. Silence, rash man, nor dare to speak, 

l Piqui Chaqui is literally ' flea foot.' He is panning on his 

3 Tocarpu, a pole or stake used at executions. Condemned 
prisoners were fastened to a tocarpu before being hurled over a 

3 Piqui Chaqui had an inkling that the Inca had expressed dislike 
at the shedding of blood. He ventured to say these words in the 
faint hope that they might remind the Inca of this dislike. 


{General lamentation outside.) 
Having been rolled just like a stone, 
My heart has now become a stone. 1 

Tupac Yupanqui. Know that tocarpus are prepared. 
Remove those traitors from my sight, 
Let them all perish, and at once. 

Bumi-naui. Take these three men without delay 
To the dreaded execution stakes ; 
Secure them with unyielding ropes, 
And hurl them from the lofty rocks. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Stop ! Cast off their bonds. 

(The guards unbind them. They all kneel.) 
(To Ollantay, kneeling). Rise from thy knees ; come to 
my side. 

Now thou hast seen death very near, 
You that have shown ingratitude, 
Learn how mercy flows from my heart ; 
I will raise thee higher than before. 
Thou wert Chief of Anti-suyu, 
Now see how far my love will go ; 
I make thee Chief in permanence. 
Receive this plume a as general, 
This arrow 2 emblem of command. 3 

1 Rumi-naui at it again : for ever ringing changes on his name — 
rumi, a stone. 

2 The plume and the arrow were the insignia of a general. 

3 Bather a staggerer for Rumi-naui ! Perhaps, too, the change 
is too sudden, and infringes the probabilities. Tupac Yupanqui 
may have thought that his father had been unjust and that there 
were excuses. It is known that the young Inca was indignant 
at some other cruelties of his father. As a magnanimous warrior 
he may have despised the treacherous methods of Rumi-naui. He 
may have valued Ollantay's known valour and ability, and have 
been' loth to lose his services. All these considerations may have 
influenced him more or less. The rebels were the best men he had. 


Tupac Yupanqui (to the Uillac Uma). Thou mighty 
Pontiff of the Sun, 
Eohe him in the regal dress. 
Raise up the others from their knees, 
And free them from the doom of death. 

(Urco Huaranca, Hanco Huayllu, and Piqui 
Chaqui rise, the latter looking much relieved. 
The Uillac Uma places the robe on Ollantay's 

Uillac Uma. Ollantay, learn to recognise 
Tupac Yupanqui's generous mind ; 
Prom this day forth be thou his friend, 
And bless his magnanimity. 
This ring contains my potent charm, 
For this I place it on thy hand. 

(Gives him a ring, or bracelet.) 
This mace receive, 'tis from the king, 

(Gives him a mace (champi).) 
It is his gracious gift to thee. 

Ollantay. With tears I shall nearly consume 
That mace thus presented to me ; 
I am tenfold the great Inca's slave, 
In this world no equal is found, 
My heart's fibres his latchets shall be ; 
From this moment my body and soul 
To his service alone shall belong. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Now, Mountain Chief ! come near 
to me, 
Ollantay is given the arrow and plume, 
Though to me he gave fury and war. 
Notwithstanding all that has passed 
He continues the Andean chief, 
And will lead his rebels to peace ; 
Thee also I choose for the plume ; 


From this day thou art a great chief, 
And never forget in thy thoughts, 
I saved thee from death and disgrace. 

Vrco Huaranca. Great King and most merciful Lord, 
But now, expecting my death, 
I am ever thy most faithful slave. 

(Uillac Uma gives Mm the flume and arrow) 

Uillac Uma. Urco, the Inca has made 
A great and a powerful chief, 
And grants thee with marvellous grace 
The arrow and also the plume. 

Rumi-naui. Illustrious King, I venture to ask, 
Will Anti-suyu have two chiefs. 

Tupac Yupanqui. There will not be two, Rumi-fiaui : 
The Mountain Chief will rule the Antis ; 
In Cuzco Ollantay will reign — 
As Viceroy deputed by me 
His duties will call him to act 
As ruler throughout the whole realm. 

Ollantay. King ! thou dost raise me too high, 
A man without service or claim ; 
I am thy obedient slave— 
Mayst thou live for a thousand years. 

Tupac Yupanqui. The mascapaycha now bring forth, 
And to it the llautu attach. 
Uillac Uma, adorn him with these, 
And proclaim his state to the world. 
Yes, Ollantay shall stand in my place, 
Raised up like the star of the morn, 
For Colla this month I shall start ; 
All preparations are made. 
In Cuzco Ollantay will stay, 
My Ranti x and Viceroy and friend. 

l Banti, a deputy. 


Ollantay. I would fain, magnanimous King, 
Follow thee in the Chayanta war ; 
Thou knowest my love for such work. 
Peaceful Cuzco is not to my taste, 
I prefer to be thy Canari, 1 
To march in the van of thy force, 
And not to be left in the rear. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Thou shouldst find the wife of thy 
And with her reign happily here 
In Cuzco; repose without care; 
Best here while I'm absent in war. 

Ollantay. Great King, thy sorrowful slave 
Already had chosen a wife. 

Tupac Yupanqui. How is it I know not of this ? 
It should be reported to me. 
I will load her with suitable gifts ; 
Why was this concealed from my eyes ? 

Ollantay. In Cuzco itself disappeared 
That sweet and adorable dove ; 
One day she did rest in my arms, 
And the next no more to be seen. 
In grief I made search far and near, 
Earth seemed to have swallowed her up, 
To have buried her far from my sight ; 
such, mighty King, is my grief. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Ollantay ! afflict not thyself, 
For now thou must take up thy place 
Without turning thy eyes from thy work. 

{To Dillac Uma.) 
High priest, obey my command. 

l Cariari, a warlike tribe of Indians, in the south part of the 
kingdom of Quito. They were first conquered by Tupac Yupanqui, 
and they became devoted to him. 


(The Uillac Uma goes to the wings (r.) and 
addresses the people outside.) 

Uillac Uma. people, hear what I say : 
The Inca, our King and our Lord, 
Thus declares his imperial will : 
OUantay shall reign in his place. 

People outside. Ollantay Ranti ! Ollantay Ranti ! 

(Shouts and acclamations.) 
Tupac Yupanqui (to Rumi-fiaui and other chiefs.) You 

also render him homage. 
Rumi-fiaui. Prince Ollantay ! Incap Eanti ! 
Thy promotion gives me joy. 
All the Antis now released, 
Return rejoicing to their homes. 

(He and all the Chiefs bow to Ollantay.) 

Guards without. You cannot pass. Go back ! go back ! 

Voice without. Why, is this a festive day ? 
Let me pass. I must see the king ; 
I pray you do not stop me, 
Do not drive me from the door ; 
If you stop me I shall die. 
Have a care. You will kill me. 

Tupac Yupanqui. What noise is that without ? 

Guard. It is a young girl who comes weeping 
And insists upon seeing the king. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Let her come in. 
(Enter Yma Sumac.) 

Yma Sumac. Which is the Inca, my lord, 
That I may kneel down at his feet ? 

Uillac Uma. Who art thou, charming maid ? 
Behold the King. 

(Yma Sumac throws herself at the King's feet.) 

Yma Sumac. my King ! be thou my father, 


Snatch from evil thy poor servant, 
Extend thy royal hand to me. 
merciful child of the Sun, 
My mother is dying at this hour 
In a foul and loathsome cave ; 
She is killed in cruel martyrdom — 
Alas ! she is bathed in her own blood. 

Tupac Yupanqui. What inhumanity, poor child ! 
Ollantay, take this case in hand. 

Ollantay. Young maiden, take me quickly there ; 
We will see who it is that suffers. 

Yma Sumac. No, sir. Not so. It is the King himself 
Should go with me. 
Perhaps he may recognise her ; 

(To Ollantay.) 
For you, I know not who you are. 

King, arise, do not delay, 

1 fear my mother breathes her last, 
At least may be in mortal pain ; 

Inca ! Father ! grant my prayer. 

Uillac Uma. Illustrious King, thou wilt consent ; 
Let us all seek this luckless one — 
Thou canst release from cruel bonds. 
Let us go, King ! 

Tupac Yupanqui (rising). Come all ! Come all ! 
In midst of reconciliations 
This young maid assaults my heart. 



Scene 7 

The garden in the palace of Virgins of the Sun (same 
scene as Act III, Scene 5). Stone door more visible. 

(Enter the Inoa Tupac Yupanqui with Yma 
Sumac, Ollantay, Uili<ao Uma and Rumi- 
naui; Ubco Huabanoa, Banco Huayllu 
and Piqui Chaqui in the background.) 

Tupac Yupanqui. But this is the Aclla Huasi ; l 
My child, art thou not mistaken ? 
Where is thy imprisoned mother ? 

Yma Sumac. In a dungeon within these bounds 
My mother has suffered for years, 
Perhaps even now she is dead. 

(She points to the stone door.) 
Tupac Yupanqui. What door is this ? 

(Enter Mama Ccacca and Pitu Salla. Mama 
Ccacca kneels and kisses the Inca's hand.) 
Mama Ccacca. Is it a dream or reality, 
That I behold my sovereign? 
Tupac Yupanqui. Open that door. 

(Mama Ccacca opens the door.) 
(Cusi Coyllub discovered chained and fainting, 
with a puma and a snake, one on each side 
of her.) 
Yma Sumac. my mother, I feared to find 
That you had already passed away ; 
Pitu Salla ! Haste. Bring water. 
Perhaps my dove may still revive. 

[Exit Pitu Salla. 

l AcOa, chosen; Huasi, house: palace of the Virgins of the 


so 2 


Tupac Yupanqui. What horrid cavern do I see ? 
Who is this woman ? what means it ? 
What cruel wretch thus tortures her ? 
What means that chain bound around her ? 
Mama Ocacca, come near to me ; 
What hast thou to say to this ? 
Is it the effect of malice 
That this poor creature lingers here ? 

Mama Gcacca. It was thy father's dread command ; 
A punishment for lawless love. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Begone ! begone ! harder than rock. 1 
Turn out that puma and the snake, 3 
Break down that door of carved stone. 
(To Mama Ccacca.) Let me not see thy face again. 
A woman living as a bat ; 
This child has brought it all to light. 

(Enter Pitu Salla with water. She sprinkles 
it over Cusi Coyllur, who revives.) 

Cusi Coyllur. Where am I ? who are these people ? 
Yma Sumac, my beloved child, 
Come to me, my most precious dove. 
Who are all these men before me ? 

(She begins to faint again and is restored by 

Yma Sumac. Pear not, my mother, 'tis the King ; 
The King himself comes to see you. 

1 Ccacca means a rock. 

2 My former translation, and those of Barranca and Tschudi, 
treated puma and amaru (snake) as epithets applied to Mama 
Ccacca. Zegarra considers that the puma and snake were intended 
to be actually in the dungeon, and I believe he is right. The puma 
would not have hurt his fellow-prisoner. Unpleasant animals were 
occasionally put into the prisons of criminals. The Incas kept 
pumas as pets. 


The great Yupanqui is now here. 
Speak to him. Awake from thy trance. 

Tupac Yupanqui. My heart is torn and sorrowful 
At sight of so much misery. 
Who art thou, my poor sufferer ? 
Child, tell me now thy mother's name ? 

Yma Sumac. Father ! Inca ! Clement Prince ! 
Have those cruel bonds removed. 

The Uillac Uma. It is for me to remove them, 
And to relieve this sore distress. 

(Guts the rope fastening Cusi Coyllur to the wall.) 

Ollantay (to Yma Sumac). What is thy mother's name ? 

Yma Sumac. Her name was once Cusi Coyllur, 
But it seems a mistake. Her joy 
Was gone when she was prisoned here. 

Ollantay. renowned King, great Yupanqui, 
In her you see my long lost wife. 

(Prostrates himself before the Inca.) 

Tupac Yupanqui. It all appears a dream to me. 
The ' Star ' ! my sister ! 1 and thy wife. 
sister ! what newly found joy. 
Cusi Coyllur, my sister, 
Come here to me, and embrace me, 
Now thou art delivered from woe. 

Thou hast found thy loving brother ; 
Joy^calms the anguish of my heart. 

(Embraces Cusi Coyllur.) 
Cusi Coyllur. Alas ! my brother, now you know 
The cruel tortures I endured 

1 The early Incas never married their sisters or relations. Pacha- 
outi's mother was daughter of the chief of Anta. His wife, 
Anahuarqui, was no relation. But the wife of Tupac Yupanqui 
was his sister Mama Ocllo. 


During those years of agony ; 
Thy compassion now has saved me. 

Tupac Yupanqui. Who art thou, dove, that hast suffered? 
For what sin were you prisoned here ? 
Thou mightest have lost thy reason. 
Thy face is worn, thy beauty gone, 
Thy looks as one risen from death. 

Ollantay. Cusi Coyllur, I had lost thee, 
Thou wast quite hidden from my sight, 
But thou art brought again to life — 
Thy father should have killed us both. 
My whole heart is torn with sorrow. 
Star of joy, where is now thy joy ? 
Where now thy beauty as a star ? 
Art thou under thy father's curse ? 

Cusi Coyllur. Ollantay, for ten dreary years 
That dungeon has kept us apart ; 
But now, united for new life, 
Some happiness may yet be ours. 
Yupanqui makes joy succeed grief, 
He may well count ^for many years. 

TJillac Uma. Bring new robes to dress the princess. 

(They put on her royal robes. The High Priest 
kisses her hand.) 

Tupac Yupanqui. Ollantay, behold thy royal wife, 
Honour and cherish her henceforth. 
And thou, Yma Sumac, come to me, 
I enlace you in the thread of love ; 
Thou art the pure essence of Coyllur. 
(Embraces her.) 

1 A play upon the word yupanqui, which means literally, ' you 
will count.' The word was a title of the Incas, meaning, ' you will 
count as virtuous, brave,' &c. 

scene vn THE AUSPICIOUS END 407 

Ollantay. Thou art our protector, great King, 
Thy noble hands disperse our grief ; 
Thou art our faith and only hope — 
Thou workest by virtue's force. 

Tupac Ywpanqui. Thy wife is now in thy arms ; 
All sorrow now should disappear, 
Joy, new born, shall take its place. 

(Acclamations from the Chiefs, and Piqui 
Chaqui. Music : huancars (drums), pincul- 
lus (flutes), and pututus (clarions).) 



The following little fairy tale is the only one of its kind 
which has been preserved, and which certainly belongs 
to the time of the Incas. It was told to Pray Martin de 
Morua, who was a Quichua scholar, in about 1585, by 
old Amautas well versed in Inca folklore, who gave it 
the following title : 

Fiction oe Story of a Famous Shepherd named 
acoya-napa, 1 and the beautiful and dlscreet 
Princess, Chuqui-llantu, 2 Daughter of the Sun. 

In the snow-clad cordillera above the valley of Yucay, 
called Pitu-siray, 3 a shepherd watched the flock of white 
llamas intended for the Inca to sacrifice to the Sun. 
He was a native of Laris, 4, named Acoya-napa, a very 
well disposed and gentle youth. He strolled behind 

1 In the manuscript copy the word is Acoytrapa, but the word 
trapa is not Quichua. I think the t is a clerical error for a, and 
the r for n. This makes Acoya-napa. Acoya is provision, in 
this case pasture, and napa is the sacred sacrificial llama, or its 
image in gold or silver. 

2 Chuqui means a lance, and llantu a shade or shadow ; Chugyi- 
llanlu, ' the shadow of the lance,' in allusion perhaps to the princess's 
sylph-like form. 

3 Pitu-siray means a couple. The range is so called from two 
twin peaks. 

* For some account of Laris see pp. 144 and 145. 

his flock, and presently began to play upon his flute 
very softly and sweetly, neither feeling anything of the 
amorous desires of youth, nor knowing anything of 

He was carelessly playing his flute one day when 
two daughters of the Sun came to him. They could 
wander in all directions over the green meadows, and 
never failed to find one of their houses at night, where 
the guards and porters looked out that nothing came 
that could do them harm. Well ! the two girls came 
to the place where the shepherd rested quite at his ease, 
and they asked him after his llamas. 

The shepherd, who had not seen them until they 
spoke, was surprised, and fell on his knees, thinking 
that they were the embodiments of two out of the four 
crystalline fountains which were very famous in those 
parts. So he did not dare to answer them. They 
repeated their question about the flock, and told him 
not to be afraid, for they were children of the Sun, who 
was lord of all the land, and to give him confidence 
they took him by the arm. Then the shepherd stood 
up and kissed their hands. After talking together for 
some time the shepherd said that it was time for him 
to collect his flock, and asked their permission. The 
elder princess, named Chuqui-llantu, had been struck 
by the grace and good disposition of the shepherd. 
She asked him his name and of what place he was a 
native. He replied that his home was at Laris and that 
his name was Acoya-napa. While he was speaking 
Chuqui-llantu cast her eyes upon a plate of silver which 
the shepherd'^wore over his forehead, and which shone 
and glittered very prettily. Looking closer she saw 
on it two figures, very subtilely contrived, who were 
eating a heart. Chuqui-llantu asked the shepherd 
the name of that silver ornament, and he said it was 


called utusi. The princess returned it to the shepherd, 
and took leave of him, carrying well in her memory 
the name of the ornament and the figures, thinking with 
what delicacy they were drawn, almost seeming to her 
to be alive. She talked about it with her sister until 
they came to their palace. On entering, the Puncu- 
camayoc 1 looked to see if they brought with them anything 
that would do harm, because it was often found that 
women had brought with them, hidden in their clothes, such 
things as fillets and necklaces. After having looked well, the 
porters let them pass, and they found the women of the 
Sun cooking and preparing food. Chuqui-llantu said that 
she was very tired with her walk, and that she did not 
want any supper. All the rest supped with her sister, 
who thought that Acoya-napa was not one who could 
cause inquietude. But Chuqui-llantu was unable to rest 
owing to the great love she felt for the shepherd Acoya- 
napa, and she regretted that she had not shown him what 
was in her breast. But at last she went to sleep. 

In the palace there were many richly furnished apart- 
ments in which the women of the Sun dwelt. These 
virgins were brought from all the four provinces which 
were subject to the Inca, namely Chincha-suyu, Cunti-suyu, 
Anti-suyu and Colla-suyu. Within there were four 
fountains which flowed towards the four provinces, and 
in which the women bathed, each in the fountain of the 
province where she was born. They named the fountains 
in this way. That of Chincha-suyu was called ChucUa- 2 
puquio, that of Cunti-suyu was known as Ocoruro 3 -'puquio, 
Siclla i -'puquio was the fountain of Anti-suyu, and 
LluluchaP-'puquio of Colla-suyu. The most beautiful child 

1 Puncu, door ; camayoc, official. 

2 Chuclla, a cob of maize ; puquio, a fountain. 

3 Ocoruro, damp fruit. 

* Stella, a blue flower. 6 Llulucha, spawn. 


of the Sun, Chuqui-llantu, was wrapped in profound sleep. 
She had a dream. She thought she saw a bird flying 
from one tree to another, and singing very softly and 
sweetly. After having sung for some time, the bird 
came down and regarded the princess, saying that she 
should feel no sorrow, for all would be well. The princess 
said that she mourned for something for which there 
could be no remedy. The singing bird replied that it 
would find a remedy, and asked the princess to tell her 
the cause of her sorrow. At last Chuqui-llantu told the 
bird of the great love she felt for the shepherd boy named 
Acoya-napa, who guarded the white flock. Her death 
seemed inevitable. She could have no cure but to go 
to him whom she so dearly loved, and if she did her 
father the Sun would order her to be killed. The answer 
of the singing bird, by name Checollo, 1 was that she should 
arise and sit between the four fountains. There she 
was to sing what she had most in her memory. If the 
fountains repeated her words, she might then safely 
do what she wanted. Saying this the bird flew away, 
and the princess awoke. She was terrified. But she 
dressed very quickly and put herself between the four 
fountains. She began to repeat what she remembered 
to have seen of the two figures on the silver plate, singing : 

' Micuc isutu cuyuc utusi cuoim.' 3 

Presently all the fountains began to sing the same verse. 
[The Indians who told the story drew a picture of the 
princess between the fountains.] 

Seeing that all the fountains were very favourable, 
the princess went to repose for a little while, for all night 
she had been conversing with the checollo in her dream. 

1 A small bird like a nightingale. 

2 Micuc, eating ; isutu, Isuti (Arador) ; cuyuc, moving ; utusi, 
the Utusi (heart) ; cucim (?) . 


When the shepherd boy went to his home he called 
to mind the great beauty of Chuqui-llantu. She had 
aroused his love, but he was saddened by the thought 
that it must be love without hope. He took up his flute 
and played such heart-breaking music that it made 
him shed many tears, and he lamented, saying : ' Ay ! 
ay ! ay ! for the unlucky and sorrowful shepherd, 
abandoned and without hope, now approaching the day 
of your death, for there can be no remedy and no hope.' 
Saying this, he also went to sleep. 

The shepherd's mother lived in Laris, and she knew, 
by her power of divination, the cause of the extreme 
grief into which her son was plunged, and that he must 
die unless she took order for providing a remedy. So 
she set out for the mountains, and arrived at the shepherd's 
hut at sunrise. She looked in and saw her son almost 
moribund, with his face covered with tears. She went 
in and awoke him. When he saw who it was he began 
to tell her the cause of his grief, and she did what she could 
to console him. She told him not to be downhearted, 
because she would find a remedy within a few days. 
Saying this she departed and, going among the rocks, 
she gathered certain herbs which are believed to be 
cures for grief. Having collected a great quantity she 
began to cook them, and the cooking was not finished 
before the two princesses appeared at the entrance of 
the hut. For Chuqui-llantu, when she was rested, 
had set out with her sister for a walk on the green slopes 
of the mountains, taking the direction of the hut. Her 
tender heart prevented her from going in any other 
direction. When they arrived they were tired, and sat 
down by the entrance. Seeing an old dame inside they 
saluted her, and asked her if she could give them any- 
thing to eat. The mother went down on her knees and 
said she had nothing but a dish of herbs. She brought 


it to them, and they began to eat with excellent appetites. 
Chuqui-llantu then walked round the hut without finding 
what she sought, for the shepherd's mother had made 
Acoya-napa lie down inside the hut, under a cloak. 
So the princess thought that he had gone after his flock. 
Then she saw the cloak and told the mother that it was 
a very pretty cloak, asking where it came from. The 
old woman told her that it was a cloak which, in ancient 
times, belonged to a woman beloved by Pachacamac, a 
deity very celebrated in the valleys on the coast. She 
said it had come to her by inheritance ; but the princess, 
with many endearments, begged for it until at last 
the mother consented. When Chuqui-llantu took it 
into her hands she liked it better than before and, after 
staying a short time longer in the hut, she took leave 
of the old woman, and walked along the meadows looking 
about in hopes of seeing him whom she longed for. 

We do not treat further of the sister, as she now 
drops out of the story, but only of Chuqui-llantu. She 
was very sad and pensive when she could see no signs 
of her beloved shepherd on her way back to the palace. 
She was in great sorrow at not having seen him, and 
when, as was usual, the guards looked at what she brought, 
they saw nothing but the cloak. A splendid supper 
was provided, and when every one went to bed the princess 
took the cloak and placed it at her bedside. As soon 
as she was alone she began to weep, thinking of the 
shepherd. She fell asleep at last, but it was not long 
before the cloak was changed into the being it had been 
before. It began to call Chuqui-llantu by her own 
name. She was terribly frightened, got out of bed, and 
beheld the shepherd on his knees before her, shedding 
many tears. She was satisfied on seeing him, and inquired 
how he had got inside the palace. He replied that the 
cloak which she carried had arranged about that. Then 


Chuqui-llantu embraced him, and put her finely worked 
Ivpi mantles on him, and they slept together. When 
they wanted to get up in the morning, the shepherd again 
became the cloak. As soon as the sun rose, the princess 
left the palace of her father with the cloak, and when 
she reached a ravine in the mountains, she found herself 
again with her beloved shepherd, who had been changed 
into himself. But one of the guards had followed them, 
and when he saw what had happened he gave the alarm 
with loud shouts. The lovers fled into the mountains 
which are near the town of Calca. Being tired after a 
long journey, they climbed to the top of a rock and 
went to sleep. They heard a great noise in their sleep, 
so they arose. The princess took one shoe in her hand 
and kept the other on her foot. Then looking towards 
the town of Calca both were turned into stone. To 
this day the two statues may be seen between Calca 
and Huayllapampa. [I have seen them many times. 1 
Those mountains were called Pitu-siray, and that is 
their name to this day.] 

l Here Morua is speaking of his own experience. I too have 
ridden between Calca and Huayllapampa several times, but I 
did not know the story, so failed to look out for the statues. 

aroilasso's quotations from, 
'9 ; his account of Tiahua- 

cu, 278, 279 

iba tree (Prosopis horrida), 

nquis, intercalary days, 

: expedition to Chile, 
convention with Alva- 
262; buried in La 
church at Cuzco, 263 
the lad : beheaded by 
s Castro, 257 ; buried 
s father, 263 
>mestication, 30 
io, Antonio de, father of 
jhoolboys : rich from the 
is of the palace of Huayna 
pac, 266 ; hanged by Car- 
il, 269 

rano, Francisco, school- 
tow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 ; 
rse-races, 266, 267 
lirano, brother of Francisco, 

ius, Sefiora Grimanesa, vi, 
19. See Cotes 
trado, Alonzo, 261, 262 
irado, Pedro, 261, 262 
iru-cancha, palace of Huayna 
)capac, 269 

iru Tupac, eldest son of Inca 
?achacuti, 92 

iru, on the site of Paucar- 
ampu, 195 
wyllis aurea, 80 
lutas, learned men, 41, 106 ; 
dynasty of, 43, 44, 45 ; his- 
orical information from, 140 ; 
chools for, 142 ; composed 


Chuqui-llantu embraced him, 
lifi mantles on him, ar'' 
they wanted to get up ir»- N 
became the cloak. As sooa 
left the palace of her fatV 
she reached a ravine in " 
again with her beloved s. 
into himself. But one oi 
and when he saw what hi 
with loud shouts. The . 
which are near the towr 
long journey, they clin 
went to sleep. They } 
so they arose. The 7 
and kept the other o 
the town of Calca . 
this day the two st 
and Huayllapampa. 
Those mountains wex 
their name to this day.] 

l Here Morua is speakin 
ridden between Calca and 
did not know the story, so f ai 


Abancay. See Apancay 

Abisca, 196 ; settlements in the 
montafla, 197 ; estate of Gar- 
cilasso de la Vega, 272 

Acari, 239 

Acca, native name for chicha, 127 

Achacuc, diviners, 107 

Achihua, Boyal parasol, 292 

Aclla-mna, chosen virgins, 106 ; 
at the Intip Baymi, 120, 382 

Aconcagua peak, 21 

Acosta, Joseph : his ' Natural 
History of the Indies,' edited 
by the Author, xi n. ; notice 
of, and his work, 8 ; much 
quoted, 9 ; on Tiahuanacu, 
29 ; alludes to a change on 
the accession of Eocca, 64 ; 
names of stars, 117 ; his 
names of months, 118 ; on 
absence of rain on the coast, 
201 ; with Toledo on his 
journey of inspection, 289 

Acoyapunou, now Angostura, near 
Cuzco, 126 

Ahua-tuna, near Paucartampu, 

Ahuayra-cancha, abode of the 
Ayamarca chief, 71 

Alarcon, Alonso de, made prisoner 
by Titu Atauchi, 253 

Alcamari, a falcon, 79 

Alcavisas, original inhabitants of 
Cuzco, 64 

Alcobasa, Diego de, guardian of 
Inca Garcilasso, 264 

Alcobasa, Diego de (junior), school- 
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 

Alcobasa, Francisco de, school- 
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 ; 

Garcilasso's quotations from, 
279 ; his account of Tiahua- 
nacu, 278, 279 

Algaroba tree {Prosopis horrida), 

AUcacanquis, intercalary days, 
117, 120 

Almagro : expedition to Chile, 
255 ; convention with Alva- 
rado, 262; buried in La 
Merced church at Cuzco, 263 

Almagro, the lad : beheaded by 
Vaca de Castro, 257 ; buried 
with his father, 263 

Alpaca, domestication, 30 

Altamirano, Antonio de, father of 
the sohoolboys : rich from the 
spoils of the palace of Huayna 
Ccapao, 266 ; hanged by Car- 
bajal, 269 

Altamirano, Francisco, school- 
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 ; 
horse-races, 266, 267 

Altamirano, brother of Francisco, 

Althaus, Sefiora Grimanesa, vi, 
119. See Cotes 

Alvarado, Alonzo, 261, 262 

Alvarado, Pedro, 261, 262 

Amaru-cancha, palace of Huayna 
Ccapac, 269 

Amaru Tupac, eldest son of Inca 
Pachacuti, 92 

Amaru, on the site of Paucar- 
tampu, 195 

Amaryllis aurea, 80 

Amautas, learned men, 41, 106 ; 
a dynasty of, 43, 44, 45 ; his- 
torical information from, 140; 
schools for, 142 ; composed 




dramas, 147 : surgical, skill, 
knowledge of herbs, 156, 157 ; 
accounts of times before the 
Incas, 159 ; record the flight 
of the Chanoas, 178 ; in Chile 
with the Inca's nephews, 190 ; 
list of ancient kings obtained 
from, 304 

Amazons' river: Author's volume 
on early expeditions, x n. ; 
source, 193; tributaries from 
the Andes, 193 

Amazonian forests, 173 ; flight of 
Chancas into, 178 ; Collas 
and Lupacas sent to colonise, 
191 ; approaches from the 
Andes, 193. See Montana 

Ambato, defeat of Huascar's 
army at, 246 

Amotape, on the coast, cruelties 
of Pizarro at, 224 

Ampuero, Irancisco : married a 
daughter of Rzarro, 297 

Ampuero, Martin : befriended 
Inca children, 297 

Anahuarqui, wife of Pachacuti, 92 

Afiaya, Atilano de, envoy to 
Vilcapampa, 292 

Anca, an eagle, 79 

Ancalluasu, girl's dress, 136 

Anco ayllu, image carried in front 
of the Chanca army, 84 

Anco-ayllu, chief of the Chanca 
contingent of the Inca army : 
flight into the Huallaga valley, 

Ancon, excavations of Reiss and 
Stiibel, 229 

Ancovilca, joint founder of the 
Chanca nation, 83 

Ancoyacu, Huascar's army rallied 
at, 248 

Andahuaylas, chief seat of the 
Chancas, 83, 92, 176 

Andean people, 30, 31. See 

Andes : unfrequented pass from 
Yea, viii ; cordiUeras unite 
at Vilcafiota, 21 ; and at 
Cerro Pasco, 182 ; age, rise, 
37, 38, 230; above the vale 
of Vilcamayu, 52 ; mountains 

of Cuntur-cunca, 179 ; Andes 
penetrated by five rivers, 192 ; 
descent from, to the montafia, 
194, 195. See Cordillera 

Angamos, 175 

Anta, Prince Cusi Hualpa rescued 
by people of, 73 ; chief of, 
rewarded by the Inca, 74; 
daughter of the chief married 
to tjira-cocha Inca, 77. See 
Chimpu Urma and Runtu-caya 

Antamarca, Huascar murdered at, 

Antarctic lands once joined to 
South America, 37 

Antarctic Indian, Garcilasso called 
himself, 31 

Ant-eaters, fossils in Tarapaca, 38 

Anti Indians, 196 

Anti-suyu, eastern division of the 
empire, 173, 192-9. See Ama- 
zonian forests and Montana 

Apancay, or Abancay, 33, 174 ; 
beauty of the valley, 175 ; 
battle at, 262 

Apocyiiea, tree in the northern 
coast valleys, 205 

April-May, Ayrifoua, 119 

Apu-ccuri-machi, conquest of Mar- 
capata by, 196 ; crossed the 
Inambari, reached Paytiti, 197 

Apu May ta, nephew of Inca Roeca : 
great general, 66 ; conquests 
of, 75, 77 ; against the succes- 
sion of Urco, 83 ; supported 
Prince Cusi, 85 ; in battle 
with the Chancas, 86; death, 88 

Apu-panaca, officer who selected 
Virgins of the Sun, 163 

Apu Paucar TJsnu, conqueror of 
Colla-suyu, son of Inca Pacha- 
cuti, 189 

Apurimac river, 45, 48, 77 ; west- 
ern frontier of the land of the 
Incas, 78, 80, 81; Chanoa 
boundary, 83, 89, 91, 126, 137, 
159, 173, 174; tributary of 
the Ucayali, 193 ; Huanca 
Auqui stationed to defend the 
bridge, 248 ; meeting of Manco 
Inca and Pizarro at the bridge, 



Arapa, stronghold of the Collas, 

Arasa river, 193 

Arayraca tribe, followers of the 
Ayars, 50; belonging to 
Hanan Cuzeo, 65 

Arbieto, Martin Hernando de : in 
command of the force to 
invade Vilcapampa, 293 ; re- 
turned to Cuzco when sated 
with slaughter, 294 

Architecture, megalithic, 22-39 
of Ollantay-tampu, 150, 151 
of the Chimu, 210, 216, 218-19 
of Colcampata, 286, 287 ; Inca. 

Arequipa, ix, 173 ; conquered by 
the Collas, 187, 239 

Arica, 239 

Arpay, sacrifice, 108 

Arriaga, report on the extirpation 
of idolatry, 10, 235 

Asia, coast valley, 227 

Asillo, stronghold of the Collas, 189 

Astete, Miguel : at Pachacamao 
with Hernando Pizarro, 234 ; 
name of chiefs on the coast 
given by, 239 n. ; presented 
the llautu of Atahualpa to Sayri 
Tupao, 274 ; notice of, 288 n. 

Astete, Colonel Pablo of Cuzco, 
288 n. 

Astete, Sefiora : authority on folk- 
lore at Cuzco, viii ; informa- 
tion from, respecting the secret 
of the hidden treasure, 288 n. 

Asto Huaraca, chief of the Chan- 
cas, 83 ; in the battle with 
[ Prince Cusi, 86 ; death in 
battle, 89 

Atacama: language, 220; people, 

Atahualpa : daughter married to 
I'Betanzos, 5 ; went to Quito 
with Huayna Coapac, 241 ; 
not born at Quito nor was his 
mother a native of Quito, 
241 n.; military service unsatis- 
factory, 242 ; excused himself 
from coming to Cuzco, 243 ; 
sent an embassy to Huascar, 
244; his victory, 247, 249; 

imprisoned by Spaniards, 249 ; 
ransom, 250, 251 ; his name 
used in mockery by school- 
boys at Cuzco, 265 

Atauchi, name, 44 

Atequipa, coast valley, 239 

Atico, coast valley, 239 

Atoc, in command of Huascar's 
army, defeated at Ambato, 246 

August-September, Gcapac Situa, 
118, 125 

Augustine Friars. See Calancha, 
Vivero, Ortiz 

Auqui, name, 44 

Auqui Tupao Yupanqui, put to 
death by Huascar, 243 

Authorities. See Acosta, Arriaga, 
Avila, Ayala, Balboa, Bertonio, 
Betanzos, Calancha, Cieza de 
Leon, Fernandez, Garcilasso 
de la Vega (Inca), Gomara, 
Herrera, Holguin, Lizarraga, 
Matienza, Molina, Montesinos, 
Morua, Mossi Oliva, Pizarro 
(Pedro), Polo de Ondegardo, 
Ramos Gavilan, Eelaciones 
Geograficas, Salcamayhua, San- 
tillan, San Tomas, Sarmiento, 
Solorzano, Torres Bubio.Valera, 
Valverde, Velasco, Zarate 

Avendafio, Hernando : work lost, 

Avila, 10, 230. See Huarochiri 

Ayacucho, author's headquarters 
at, viii ; battle, 179 and note 

Ayala. See Huaman 

Ayamarca, month, Nov.-Dec, 
118, 128 

Ayamarca, chief, named Tocay 
Ccapac, engaged to be married 
to Micay, wife of the Inca 
Rocca ; war with her tribe, 
the Huayllacans, 68 ; kid- 
napped Prince Cusi Hualpa, 
71, 72; finally subdued, 76, 
80, 91 n. ; meaning of the 
name, 128 n. 

Ayar, name, 43 ; title of the 
mythical founders of the em- 
pire, 49 ; their resolution and 
march to Cuzco, 49, 50; tribes 
forming their army, 49, 50 



Ayar Auoa, 49 ; death, 54 

Ayar Caohi, 49; plot against, 51 ; 
murder, 52 

Ayar Manoo, 49 ; the leader : his 
Huauqui, 50 ; plan to get rid 
of his brothers, 51 ; hurled 
his golden staff, 53 ; his date, 
55 ; established at Cuzoo, 54, 
55 ; four wives of the Ayars, 
49 — Ooelo, Huaco, Ipaoura, 

Ayar Uchu, 49 ; turned into the 
Huanacauri idol, 52, 128 

Ayar march to Cuzoo. For stop- 
ping stations see Huanaeanoha, 
Tampuquiru, Pallata, Hais 
Quisru, Quirirmanta, Matahua, 

Ayar ayllus or tribes, 49, 50, 55, 
65, 125 

Ayllus or lineages : tribes of the 
Ayars, 49, 50 ; each had its 
founder or ancestor, 104, 113 ; 
as runners at the Situa festival, 
126 ; records of events kept 
by, 140 ; akin to village com- 
munities, 159 ; system, 160, 
161 ; mountaineers, 175 ; on 
the coast, 235, 236; of the 
Incas, 290 

Aymara colonists, 164 ; a branch 
of the Quichuas, 175, 192; 
settled at Juli, 192 ; Jesuits 
gave the name to the lan- 
guage of the Collas, 192; never 
used for the language until 
after the Jesuits settled at 
Juli, 313; error explained, 314; 
never used for the people of 
the Collas by any early writer, 

Aymuray, May-June, 119, 135 

Ayrihua, April-May, 119, 135 ; 
dance, 168 

Baccharis Incarum or Tola, 22 
Baccharis Molina — Chilca, 80 
Baccharis Eupatorium — Chilca, 80 
Baohicao, Hernando : hanged by 

Carbajal, 269 
Balboa : translated and indexed by 

the author, xi n. ; his work, 
9, 10 ; his names of stars, 
117 ; Paccari-tampu myth told 
by, 140 ; account of the 
Inca voyage to the Galapagos 
Islands, 184 ; tradition of the 
arrival of strangers at Lam- 
bayeque, 221 ; on the Inca 
invasion of the coast, 223 

Barco, Pedro del : three sons, 
schoolfellows of the Inca Gar- 
cilasso, 265 ; hanged by Car- 
bajal, 269 ; kindness of Garei- 
lasso de la Vega to his sons, 273 

Beatriz, Nusta, Inca Princess, 260 : 
asked to negotiate with Sayri 
Tupac, 273 ; her son received 
by the Inca, 273 ; Sayri Tupac 
her guest at Cuzco, 274. See 

Beatriz, Kusta, Inca Princess. 
See Mustincia and Hernandez 

Belaunde, Victor Andres : his 
review of writings of sociolo- 
gists on the ayUii system of 
Peru, 170, 171 

Beni river, 193, 198 

Bertonio, Ludovico : his Aymara 
dictionary, 192, 315 

Betanzos : his ' Suma y Narra- 
cion ' translated by the author, 
xi n. ; Gregorio de Garoia in 
possession of his manuscript, 
4 ; edited by Jimenez de la 
Espada, 5 ; work copied for 
Prescott, 4 ; a Quichua scholar 
and interpreter, 5 ; married 
to a daughter of Atahualpa, 
5, 260 ; on the origin of 
the people, 32 ; occurrence 
of the word Con in connec- 
tion with the deity, 103 n. ; 
his names for the months, 118 
n. ; Paccari-tampu myth told 
by, 140 ; sent to negotiate with 
Sayri Tupac, 273 ; unsuccess- 
ful embassy to Titu Cusi 
Yupanqui, 285 

Blasco Nunez de Vela, viceroy : 
correspondence with the Inca 
Manco, 258 ; driven out by 
Gonzalo Pizarro, 269 



Bombon, Huasoar's army defeated 

at, 246 
Boija, Juan Henriquez de. See 

Braganza, Duchess of : first part 

of the royal commentaries 

dedicated to, 279 
Breastplates of gold, with the 

calendar, 119 ; description, 120 
Bridges, 320 
Brinton, Dr. : opinion on the origin 

of Peruvian civilisation, 31 
Bvddleia coriacea, Ccolli tree, 22 n. 
Buddleia Incana, Quisuar tree, 

22 n. 
Buenaventura, Garcilasso de la 

Vega sent to conquer land 

round, 262 

Caqaixa, Pedro Lopez de, 275 

Cacha, temple, 36, 319 ; described 
by Garcilasso de la Vega and 
by Squier, 319 

Cahua Ticlla, princess in charge 
of Curi Coyllur, 242, 245, 246 

Calancha, Prior of the Augustine 
monks in Peru, his ' Coronica 
Moralizada,' 11 ; value of his 
work, 11 ; his names of stars, 
117 ; correct names of months, 
118 ; religion of the Chimu, 
216 ; on the coast language 
called Sec, 220; gives the 
will of Leguisamo, 299 

Calca, Huascar receives Atahu- 
alpa's envoys at, 245 

Calceolarias, 80 

Calendar: solar observations, 115; 
on golden breastplates, 119, 
120. See names of months 
and intercalary days 

Calia Puquio, 133 

Calisaya, 157 

Callao, v, vi, 229 

Camana, coast valley, 239 

Campas Indians, 196 

Camay, month, Jan. -Feb., 118, 134 

Canahuisas, diviners, 108 

Canas, tribe, 186 

Cafiari, executioner of the Inca 
Tupac Amaru, 294 

Cafiaris, conquest of, 93, 182 

Canchaguayo. See Ucayali 

Canchis tribe, 80 

Ganchu, a diviner, 108 

Candia, Pedro de : his son 
schoolfellow of Inca Garcilass 

Cafiete (or Huarcu), peopled l 
Yauyos, 180, 227 ; irrigatioi 
237, 275; Marquis of, 27 
See Mendoza 

Oantaray, month when Chicha 
brewed, Nov.-Dec, 118 

Oantut, a flower (phlox), 80 

Caparo Mufiiz : museum at Cuzc 

Gapparis crotonoidea, tree in tl 
northern coast valleys, call( 
Vichaya, 205 

Caquia Saquis-ahuana, fortifU 
palace overlooking Pissac, ■ 
which Inca Uira-cocha fle 
84, 89, 90 

Carangues Bay, Alvarado land( 
in, 262 

Caravaya, visit of the author 
the montafia of , ix ; Chinchoi 
flowers used for fevers, 15' 
source of wealth to the Inca 

Caravayllo, coast valley, 227 

Carbajal, lieutenant of Gonza 
Pizarro : cruelties of, 269 

Carlisle, Lord : introduction 
Mr. Prescott from, vii 

Carlos Inca, son of Paullu livii 
at the Colcampata, 256, 26 
286; schoolfellow of In< 
Garcilasso, 265 ; married 
Maria de Esquivel, 287 ; km 
the secret of the hiddi 
treasure, 288 ; baptism of r 
son Melchior Carlos, 29( 
lawlessly driven out of tl 
Colcampata, 294 ; banishme: 
and death, 297 

Carrera, Fernando de, cura 
Reque : his grammar of t] 
Chimu language called by hi 
yunca, 219 ; extreme rari 
of his work, 220 ; edition 1 
Gonzalez de la Rosa, 220. S 

EE 2 



Humboldt, Temaux Compans, 

Villar, Middendorf 
Carrillo, saved Loyola's life, 293. 

See Soto 
Casma, coast valley, 208 
Cassana, palace, at Cuzco, 269 
Castilla, Maria de. See Loaysa 
Castro, Lope Garcia de, 276 
Catacaos, peculiar language at, 220 
Catalina, Maria Usiea. See Paullu 
Catari, Oliva's informant re- 
specting an underground Tia- 

huanacu, 24 ; his ancient name 

of Tiahuanacu, 29 n. 
Catu, or market, 263 
Cauca valley : service of Cieza de 

Leon in, 2 
Cauqui, dialect of the Yauyos, 

180, 311 
Cavillaca, goddess in Huarochiri, 

Cavinas, 80 
Caxamarca conquered by the 

Incas,92, 93, 173, 182; Pizarro 

at, 225 ; Huascar's general 

defeated at, 246; murder of 

Atahualpa, 251 ; retribution 

at, 253 
Cayara, a Quichua stronghold, 

Cayto Marca, submits to the Inca, 

Ccamantira, singing-bird, 82 
Ccapac, meaning of the word, 43 
Ccapac Apu, viceroy, 163 
Ccapac Cocha, human sacrifice, 

Ccapac Raymi, month, Deo.- Jan., 

118, 125 
Ccapac Situa, month, Aug. -Sept., 

118, 125 
Ccapac-tocco, window at Paccari- 

tampu, 49, 51, 52 
Ccapac Yupanqui, 56 
Ccenti, humming-bird, 82 
Ccolli (Buddleia coriacea), a tree, 

22, 80 
Cconi Rayac, attribute of the 

deity in the Huarochiri myths, 

Ceoya or Queen : portraits by 

Huaman Poma, 17. See Ana- 

huarqui, 92 ; Chuqui Urpay, 
244; Cusi Huarcay, 274; 
Mama Cusimiray, 241 ; Micay, 
68 ; Mama Ocllo, 94; Mama 
Rahua, 241 ; Mama Runtu, 
241 ; Tocta Cuca, 241 

Ccoya Raymi, Sept.-Oct., 118 

C'curi-cancha. See Inti-cancha 

Ccuri-chulpa, concubine of Uira- 
cocha Inca, 77, 83 

Gcuri Vincha, golden garlands of 
Virgins, 107 

Centeno, Diego : arrival at Cuzco, 
267 ; defeated at Huarina, 268 

Centeno, Gaspar, schoolfellow of 
the Inca Garcilasso, 265 

Centeno, Senora: museum once 
at Cuzco, now at Berlin, 320 

Cervantes, Bartolome : gave 
Catari's statement to Oliva, 

Cetemi, wife of Naymlap (whom 

Chachapoyas, 33, 93, 198 ; Jesuit 
mission at, date of ' anonymous 
Jesuit ' (Valera) fixed by date 
of abandonment of, 304 

Chahuar Quiz, month, July- 
August, 118, 124 

Chalco Yupanqui, led a column to 
invade the montafia from 
Pilcopata, 196, 197 

Chalcuchima, a Quito general, 
second in command of Ata- 
hualpa's army, 247, 250 ; met 
his deserts, 251, 266 

Champi or battle-axe, 122 

Chafian-ccuri-coca, a valiant lady 
who defended Cuzco against 
the Chancas, 85 

Chancas Confederacy, 83, 161 ; 
founders, chiefs, resolution to 
subdue the Incas, 83 ; flight 
of Inca Uira-cocha, 84 ; defeat 
of the invaders, 86, 87 ; final 
overthrow, 88, 89 ; formed a 
contingent of the Inca army, 
92 ; their country, 174 ; in the 
army of Pachacuti: their 
flight, 178, 198 

Chancay, coast valley, 206 

Ghanquiri, a crow, 86 



Oharasanis, native doctors, 157 

Chareas, 31, 173, 187, 189, 198, 262 

Chasoa, Morning Star, worship of, 
104 . 

Chasqui, messengers, 163, 165 

Chawpi rucu, class of old men, 

Chaves, Francisco de : his work 
lost, 7; friendship for Prince 
Titu Atauchi, 253 ; his writ- 
ings, murder, 253 n. ; in- 
fluence, 255 

Chavin, a tribe of the Avars, 
50, 65 

Chavin ruins, 33, 320 

Chavin stone, 34, 35 

Chayantas, 187 

Ghayna, singing-bird, 82 

GhecoUo, singing-bird like a 
nightingale, 82, 411 

Chestan Xecfuin, maid of honour 
to the Ccoya : love of the 
chief of Lambayeque for, 224 

Chibcha language, 220 

Chicama, valley and river, 208 

Chichas, 187, 189 

Chiclayo, coast valley, 219 

Ghihua, a thrush, 70, 80 

Chilca, coast valley, peopled by 
Huarochiris, 181, 227 

Chilca, a bush, 80 

Chile subdued, by Tupac Inca, 
173 ; story of the conquest, 
190 ; Chilians in the Inca 
army, 191, 249 ; Almagro's 
expedition, 255 

Chima Chaui Pata, adherent of 
Prince Cusi, 85 

Chimpa Ocllo. See Isabel. 

Chimpu Urma of Anta : arranged 
the rescue of Prince Cusi 
Hualpa, 73, 79 

Chimu : southern boundary of 
his territory, 181 ; conquest by 
the Incas, 182, 223 ; extensive 
ruins, 208, 209-12 ; treasure, 
210; the mounds, 210; palace, 
211 ; central position, 212 ; 
factories, 212, 213 ; cotton 
fabrics, 213 ; pottery, 214 ; 
gold and silver work, 215 ; 
religion, 215; temple, 216, 217; 

physioians, 217 ; cemeteries, 
217; language, 219-21; origin 
and history unknown, 221 ; 
Lambayeque submitted to, 223 ; 
trade, 223 ; annihilated by 
the Spaniards, 225 ; descen- 
dants of the Chimu, 225 n. ; 
further researches recom- 
mended, 226 

Chincha Confederacy, 237, 238 

Chincha valley, peopled by the 
Yauyos, 180, 227 ; irrigation, 

Chincha Islands : guano deposits, 
argument for antiquity from, 

Chinchay-cocha, lake, 182 

Chinchay-suyu, northern division 
of the empire, 173, 177-86; 
language, 311. See Kgueredo 

Chinchero palace, 81, 286, 319 ; 
Tupac Inca died at, 94. See 
Pumacagua, Rosas 

Chinchona trees, yielding quinine : 
author entrusted with service 
of introducing their cultiva- 
tion into British India, ix ; 
knowledge of, by the Indians, 
157 ; beauty, 194 

Chipana, golden rings, 133 ; royal 
bracelet, 292 

Chira river : remains of aque- 
ducts, 207 ; Spaniards in 
valley of, 224 

Chirihuanas, a troublesome wild 
tribe, 198 

Chirimayu ravine, 195 

Chirimoya, fruit, 82 

Chita highlands : flight of Inca 
Uira-cocha from the Chancas, 
84, 87, 126 

Choccla-poccochi, a singing-bird, 

Cholones, tribe on the Huallaga, 

Chonos (Guayaquil), campaign 
against, 183, 184 

Choque-quirao ruins, 319 

Chot Temple, built by Naymlap, 

Chuchi Ccapac, chief of the Collas, 



ClmVpas, burial-places of the 
Collas, 187 

Chumpivilca colonists, 164, 175 

Chumpillaya, maiden from Yea, 
sent to Inca Huascar, 242 ; 
name changed to Curi Coyllur, 

Chunehos, Indians, 197 

Chupillusca, rock where Urco 
was killed, 90 

Chupas, battle of : Garcilasso de 
la Vega wounded, 264 

Chuqui, lance, 292 

Chuqui-chaca, 293 

Chuqui-llantu, 155, 408-14 

Chuqui Urpay, wife of Inca 
Huascar, 244 

Chuy, a quail, 79 

Cillorico, Juan de, schoolfellow of 
Inca Garcilasso, 265 

Cintu, on the coast, Pizarro at, 

Cium, successor of Naymlap at 
Lambayeque, 222 

Clara Beatriz, Princess, married to 
Martin Garcia de Loyola, 274 

Coast valleys : conquest by the 
Incas, 93, 173, 223; valleys 
peopled by mountain tribes, 
177, 180, 181; geography, 
200-6; causes of absence of 
rain, 201 ; garua, 201 ; cli- 
mate, 202 ; effect of Hum- 
boldt current, 202 ; medanos, 
202, 203 ; desert, 203 ; scanty 
vegetation, 203 ; lomas, 204 ; 
fertile valleys, 204 ; algaroba 
trees, 204 ; other trees in the 
valleys, 205 ; number and 
names of coast valleys, 205, 
206; ancient languages, 219, 
220 ; coast people extinot, 
225 ; idolatries, 235, 236 

Coati Island, on Lake Titicaca : 
palace built by Tupac Inca 
Yupanqui, 191, 319 

Cobos : his ' History of the New 
World,' 14, 15; names of the 
months, 118 ; on medicinal 
plants, 157 

Coca plantations, 187, 195, 197, 199 

Coca pallet, class of lads, 162 

Cof anes, a tribe on the Napo : 
expedition against, 198 

Colan, peculiar language at, 220 

Coloampata, palace at Cuzco, 
granted to Prince Paullu, 256, 
261 ; Carlos Inca living at, 
285; description, 286, 287, 
318 ; Tupac Amaru in prison 
at, 294 

Colicodendrum scabridum, Zapote 
del perro, 205 

Collahua, native place of Salca- 
mayhua, 16 

Collahuayas, native doctors, 157 

Collas occupied the northern 
half of the Titicaca basin, 
186, 313 ; predominant tribe 
of Colla-suyu, 187 ; a con- 
federacy under the Colla chief, 
conquests, capital at Hatun- 
eolla, 187 ; burial places, 
187 ; defeated by the Incas, 
188, 189; conquered, 190; 
contingent of the Inca army, 
191 ; sent away as mitimaes, 
or colonists, 164, 191, 197; 
language called Aymara by 
the Jesuits, 192; numerals, 

Collantes, Juan de : married 
Prancisca fjusta, ancestress of 
Bishop Piedrahita the his- 
torian, 260 

Collao movement of mitimaes or 
colonists, 10 ; description 22 ; 
origin of tribes, 47 ; subdued 
by Inca Pachaouti, 92 ; con- 
federacy, 161, 187; Inca 
viceroy, 189; Inca system of 
colonisation, 191 ; importance 
of conquest, 191 

Colla-suyu, southern division of 
the Empire, 73, 186 

Oollingwood, H.M.S., v 

Colonists. See Mitimaes 

Commentaries Beales, 279, 280 

Compositce, 80 

Con, 103 n. ; Con Titi, 103 n. 

Concacha stone, 33, 34 

Conchucos, 182, 235 

Condor or Cuntur, Huarochiri 
tradition, 232, 233 



Condorcanqui, Cacique of Suri- 
mani, married to Juana, 
daughter of Inoa Tupac Amaru, 
ancestors of Jos6 Gabriel 
Condorcanqui, the patriot, 
called Tupac Amaru, 298 

Confession, 106 

Conip Inti, 103 n. See Con 

Coniraya Uira-cocha, 103 n. 

Conopas, household gods, on the 
coast, 236 

Convolvulus, 80 

Copacabana, 10, 319 

Copiz, on the coast, Pizarro at, 

Cordilleras unite at Vilcanota, 
21; and at Cerro Pasco, 
182. See Andes, Huarochiri, 
Lucanas, Morochucos, Soras, 

Cordova. See Garcilasso Inca 

Corufia. See Popayan, Bishop of 

Cotapampa, colonists from, 164, 
175 ; final overthrow of HuaB- 
car in, 249 

Cotes, Don Manuel : gold orna- 
ments of the Incas at the 
house of, 119 

Cotonera, estate of Garcilasso 
de la Vega, 271 

Cranes, 79 

Crow. See Ohanquiri 

Cuellar, Juan de, schoolmaster of 
Inca Garcilasso, 264 

Cuellar, Sancho de : taken pri- 
soner and executed by Prince 
Titu Atauchi, for complicity 
in the murder of Atahualpa, 

Cuentas, Don Narciso of Tinta, 
owner of the original MS. of 
Ollantay, 148 

Cugma, 91 n. 

Cuis Manco, chief of the Rimac 
valley, 238 

Culebra, coast valley, 208 

Cullcu, dove, 82 

Cunow, on the organisation of the 
Inca empire, 170 

Cunti-suyu, western division of 
the empire, 173-7 

Ountur-ounca mountains, 179 

Curacas, or chiefs, 162 

Curamba, fortress, 174, 175, 

Curi Coyllur: see Chumpillaya, 
242 ; and Cahua Ticlla, 244- 
246 ; flight in boy's clothes, 
247 ; rescued and married 
her lover under the name of 
Titu, 248 ; marriage with 
Quilacu, 252 ; befriended by 
Hernando de Soto, 252 ; 
daughter married Carrillo, a 
notary, 252. See Soto 

Cusi, Prince, youngest son of 
Uira-cocha Inca, 77 ; resolved 
to defend Cuzco against the 
Chancas, 84 ; followers, 85 ; 
his vision, 86 ; victories, 86-9; 
becomes Pachacuti Inca, 87, 
89, 91. See Pachacuti 

Cusi Hualpa, son of Inca Rocca, 
68 ; visits his Huayllacan 
relations, 69, 70 ; kidnapped 
by Ayamarcas, 71 ; his speech, 
weeps blood, 71, 72 ; sent to 
the Puna, 73, 80 ; rescued, 
taken to Anta, 73, 74. See 
Yahuar Huaccac 

Cusi Hualpa, child name of 
Huayna Ccapac, 94 

Cusi Huarcay, wife of Sayri Tupac, 
274; body of Tupac Amaru 
conveyed to her house, 296 

Cusi Titu Yupanqui, son of Manco 
Inca, 259 ; accession, embassy 
to, 285, 290 ; death, 290 ; son, 

Cusimiray. See Mama Cusimiray 

Cusi-pata at Cuzco : house of 
Garcilasso de la Vega in, 

Cuycusa tribe : followers of the 
Ayars, 50 ; belonging to the 
Hurin Cuzcos, 65 

Cu zco, city of the Incas : author's 
residence at, viii, ix ; cyclopean 
buildings, 32, 33 ; meaning of 
the word, 43, 54 ; original 
inhabitants, 54 ; goal of the 
Ayars, 53 ; description of 
the site, 54, 55 ; torrents, 65 ; 
Hanan and Hurin Cuzco, 64, 



133 ; temple to the Supreme 
Being, 77 ; Santa Ana Church, 
portraits, 121 ; Huaeay Pata, 
133 ; Atahualpa's army at, 
249, 250 ; siege by Manco, 
255, 262 ; the Colcampata 
palace, 256 ; church of La 
Merced, 263, 271 ; arrival of the 
first bullocks, 266 ; first grapes 
and asparagus, 267 ; cane 
tournaments at, 268 ; topo- 
graphy, 268, 269 ; great halls 
in the palaces, 269 ; archi- 
tecture, 319. See Cassana, 
Colcampata, Cusi-pata, Inti- 
cancha, Huanay-pata, Amaru- 
cancha, Quilliscancha, Bimac- 
pampa, Sacsahuaman 

Cuzco Chumpi, son of the chief 
of Lambayeque, 224 ; baptised, 

Cyclopean ruins, 23-33 

Dabwin on the rise of land, 38 »., 
200, 227, 228 

Dawn, worship of, 104 

December- January, GcapacBaymi, 
month, 118, 129 

Desjardins, view of Inca rule, 171 

Diviners at the feast of Intip 
Saymi, 123. See Achacuc, 
Gandhuisa, Canchu, Hamurpa, 
Huatuc, Hualla, Layca, Llay- 
chunca, Macsa, Pacchacuc, 
Socyac, Yarcacaes 

D'Orbigny, his views on Inca 
rule, 171 

Doves. See Gullcu, Quitu, TJrpi 

Drama. See Ollantay 

Ducks. See Nunuma, Huachua 

Eagle. See Anca 

Egrets, 79 

Emeralds, land of : Manta and 

Esmeraldas, 186 
Enock, Mr., on""ruihs at Chavin 

and Huanuco, 320 
Equinoxes, observations for, 116 
Esmeraldas, 184 
Espada, Don Marcos Jimenez de 

la, x ; and the second part 
of Cieza de Leon, 4 n. ; edited 
Betanzos, 5 ; edited Montesinos, 
12 ; published the work of 
the ' anonymous Jesuit,' 13, 
303 ; edited the work of Cobos, 
14; edited Salcamayhua, 16, 99 

Esquen Pisan, chief of Lambaye- 
que, 224 

Esquivel, Maria de, wife of Carlos 
Inca, 285 

Eten, coast valley, 208 ; words 
of Mochica language collected 
by Middendorf, at, 220 

Falcon. See Alcamari and 

Faquisllanga river, 222 
February-March, Hatun Pucuy, 

month, 119, 134 
Felipe Inca, son of Prince Paullu, 

256, 261 ; schoolfellow of 

Inca Garcilasso, 265 ; banished 

by Toledo, 297 
Fernandez (El Palentino), 'History 

of Peru ' : he makes TJreo one 

of the reigning Incas, 90 n. ; 

his names of months, 118 n. ; 

Garcilasso's quotations from, 

Fernandez Martin : his sore eye 

cured by the Inca Garcilasso, 

Festivals : the harvest called 

Intip Baymi, 120-8 ; Situa, 

125-6; Huarachicu, 129-33; 

Mosoc Nina, 135 
Figueredo, Juan de, on the Chin- 

chay-suyu dialect, 313 n. 
Figueroa, Juan de : climb to the 

roof of his house, 272 
Figueroa, Garcia Sanchez de : 

cousin of Inca Garcilasso at 

Cuzco, 265 ; his son a school- 
fellow of Garcilasso, 265 ; 

letters to Garcilasso, 276 ; 

quotations from, 279 
Flamingoes, 79, 176 
Florida. See Soto 
Fongasigde. See Naymlap 
Francisca Susta. See Collantes 



Galapagos Islands : voyage of 
Inoa Tupao Yupanqui to, 93, 
184, 185 ; two islands called 
Hahua-chumpi and Nina- 
chumpi, 184 

Garcia, Gregorio de : in possession 
of the manuscript of Betanzos, 

Garcia de Melo: sent the first 
asparagus to Cuzco, 267 

Garcilasso de la Vega (the father) : 
married to an Inca princess, 
260 ; his noble lineage, 261 ; 
birth and early career, 261, 
262 ; came to Peru with 
Alvarado, war services, settled 
at Cuzco, 262 ; position of his 
house at Cuzco, 263 ; flight 
from Cuzco, at the battle of 
Huarina, 269 ; flight from 
Giron's rebellion, 272 ; return 
to Cuzco, 273 ; his estates, 
273 ; founded a hospital for 
Indians, 273 ; kindness to 
sons of Pedro del Barco, 
273; illness and death, 274, 

Garcilasso Inea de la Vega : 
author's translation of the 
first part of his Royal Com- 
mentaries, x n. ; quotes Acosta, 
9 ; on Tiahuanacu, 29 ; 
calls himself an Antarctic 
Indian, 31 ; account of Inca 
buildings in the fortress of 
Cuzco, 32 ; meaning of names 
of Ayars, 51, 53 ; sayings of 
Incas acknowledging a Supreme 
Being, 103 ; denied human 
sacrifices, 109 ; version of the 
Paccari-tampu myth, 140 ; ex- 
perience of native medicines, 
158, 268 ; on Inca invasions 
of the coast, 223, 238 ; birth 
and early recollections, 263 ; 
his relations at Cuzco, 264 ; 
school life, 264-8 ; an excellent 
topographer, 268 ; in cane 
tournaments, 268 ; house at- 
tacked, 269 ; goes out to 
meet his father, 270 ; kindness 
of Gonzalo Pizarro to, 270 ; 

learning Inca lore from his 
mother's relations, and the 
way to count the quipus, 271 ; 
adventures on the breaking 
out of Giron's rebellion, 272 ; 
his father's agent and secre- 
tary, 273 ; interview with 
Sayri Tupac, 274 ; takes leave 
of Polo de Ondegardo, who 
shows him Inca mummies, 
w 275 ; goes to Spain, 275; 
coldly received, restitution re- 
fused, 276 ; captain in the 
Morisco war, 276; literary 
work, 277 ; MS. on the Vargas 
family, settled at Cordova, 
277 ; account of his ' Com- 
mentaries Reales,' 278 ; ob- 
tained the MSS. of Valera, 
279 ; quotations from other 
authors, 279 ; value of the 
Commentaries, 280 ; visit of 
an old schoolfellow, 280, 281 ; 
agent to his mother's rela- 
tions, 281 ; his will, 282 ; 
legacies to his servants, 283 ; 
purchase of a mortuary ohapel 
in Cordova Cathedral, 283 ; 
death, 283 ; buried at Cordova, 
in his chapel, 283 ; epitaph, 
284 ; used the word. Aymara 
for the language once, 315 

Garlands. See Gcuri Vincha 

Garua. See Coast 

Gasca, Pedro de la, 272, 275 

Gayangos, Don Pascual de, x 

Geography of Peru : Royal Geo- 
graphical Society's map, xii ; 
publication of the ' Relaciones 
Geograficas de Indias,' 8 ; relief 
maps used by the Incas, 112 ; 
the coast region of Peru, 200- 
206; topography of Cuzco, 268y 

Giron, Francisco Hernandez de : 
rebellion, 272 ; defeated at 
Pucara, 273 

Gold, principal sources of, 191, 
T97. See Breastplate 

Gomara, 15 ; account of a god 
he calls Con, 103 n. ; Garci- 
lasso's quotations from, 279 



Gonzalez de la Rosa, Dr., x: 
printed the second part of 
Cieza de Leon, in.; hiB 
researches respecting the works 
of Valera, 13 ; researches re- 
specting Tiahuanacu, 25 ; on 
the list of kings in Montesinos, 
40 ; his edition of Camera's 
Mochica grammar, 220 ; ques- 
tion of Garcilasso's integrity, 
280 ; proved the identity of 
the anonymous Jesuit with 
Valera, 303 

Goose. See Huallata 

Gottingen University, manuscript 
of Sarmiento in library of, 6. 
See Pietschmann 

Gronovius library, manuscript of 
Sarmiento in, 5 

Guamanga, 266, 274. See Hua- 

Guafiape, coast valley, 208 

Guafiape island, ancient cemetery, 

Guano deposits : antiquity of relics 
calculated from time supposed 
to be taken in making the 
deposits, 218 n. ; doubts of 
Mr. Squier, 228 n. 

Guayaquil. See Chonos 

Gull, Andean. See Quellua 

HAHr/A-cHr/MPi. See Galapagos 

Hais Quisra, third station of the 
Ayars, 51 

Hamurpa, a class of diviners, 

Hanan Cuzco. See Cuzco 

Haro, Hernando de : made pri- 
soner by Titu Atauchi, and 
well treated, 253 

Harvest festival, 120-3, 135 ; 
picture of huaman Poma, 
135. See Intip Eaymi 

Hatun-colla, Inti-huatana at, 116 ; 
taken by Inca Pachacuti, 189 ; 
chief seat of the Collas, 187, 

Hatun Pucuy, month, February- 
March, 119, 134 

Hatun Tupac, son of Yahuar 

Huaccao, 76 ; took the name 

of Uira-cocha 
Hatun-rincriyoc. See Orejones 
Haylli, song, 132 
Head-dress of the Inca, 122, 292 ; 

of the High Priest, 105; of 

youths at the Huarachicu, 132 
Helps, Sir Arthur : Spanish con- 
quest of Peru, 251 
Heredia, Pedro de : service of 

Cieza de Leon under, 2 
Hernandez, __ Diego, married to 

Beatriz Nusta, 260 
Herons, 79 
Herrera, 15 ; makes Urco one of 

the reigning Ineas, 90 
Hervay, Inca fortress on the 

coast, ruins, 180, 238, 320 
High Priest. See Uillac Uma 
Holguin, Quichua grammar, vi, 313 
Buacas, in the valley of the 

Rimac, vi, 229 ; Huaman 

Poma on, 17 ; ancestral gods, 

104, 114 
Huacap UiUa, priest of a Huaca, 106 
Huacap Bimachi, announcer of 

oracles, 106 
Huacay Pata, at Cuzco, 133 
Huacay Taqui tribe, followers of 

the Ayars, 50, 65 
Huachua, wild duck, 79 
Huaco, wife of one of the Ayars, 

49, 51 
Huahuas for sacrifice (lambs, not 

children), 109 
Hualla, diviners, 107 
Huallaga river : flight of Chancas 

to, 178, 193; rapid called 

Salto de Aguirre, 193 ; tribes 

on, 198 
Huallata, wild goose, 79 
Huallcanca, shield, 292 
Hualpa, a chief who attacked 

Loyola, 293 
Hualpa Rimachi, tutor of Inca 

Uira-cocha, 36 
Hualpa Tupac, brother of Huayna 

Ccapac, grandfather of Inca 

Garcilasso, 260 
Hualpa Tupac Yupanqui, uncle of 

the Inca Garcilasso, 264; 

letters from, 276 



Huamac, novice after three vears. 

Huaman, a falcon, 79 

Huaman, son of Huayna Ccapac, 

Huaman, Bon of Inca Rocca, 68 

Huamanca, conquest of, 93, 173 ; 
name, 179. See Ore 

Huaman Cancha, 132 

Huamanpalpa, estate of Garci- 
lasao do la Vega, 273 

Huaman Poma de Ayala : account 
of his MS., 16, 17; corrobora- 
tion of the kidnapping story, 
75 ; portraits of the Incas, 121 ; 
sketches of agricultural imple- 
ments, 134 n., 135 ; use of the 
word Aymara for the language, 

Huampar, head-dress of the 
High Priest, 105 

Huanacauri, the name, 44 ; idol, 
52 ; a most sacred huaca, 128 ; 
youths sacrificed to it at the 
Huarachicu, 128, 129 ; prayer 
of the people to, at the murder 
of Tupac Amaru, 295. See 
Ayar Uchu 

Huanaco, swiftness, 29, 30 

Huanay-pata, sixth station of 
the Ayars, 53 

Huancas, conquest of, 180 

Huanca Auqui, Huascar's general : 
defeats, 246-8 ; retreat, 248 

Huancara, conquest of, 91 n. 

Huancarama, 175 
Huantuy, the Inca's litter, 292 
Huanuco, conquest of, 93, 173, 
178; palace, 182, 320. See 
Huara, coast valley, 227 
Huarac-tampu, 178 

Huaraca or sling, 134 
Huarachicu festival : time it was 
held by the people of Uma, 
127 ; of Ayamarca, 128 ; 
youths' or aspirants' dress, 
129, 132, 133; attendant 
maidens, 130 ; Huanacauri 
sacrifice, 131 ; floggings to try 
endurance, 130; foot-race, 131; 
distribution of rewards, 132 ; 

dances in the Huacay Pata, 
133 ; baths at Calis Puquio, 
133 ; sham fight, 134 ; reaping 
in the field called Sausiru, 135, 
Huaranca, a division of the 

people, thousand, 162 
Huaras, Callejon de, 182 
Huarcu. See Cafiete 
Huari, 34 

Huari Titu, a son of Huascar, 
who escaped to Caxamarca, 
Huarina, battle of, 17, 270, 276 
Huarmay, coast valley, 208 
Huarochiri : Avila on idolatry 
and myths of, translated by 
the author, xi n. ; myths, 103 
n., 230-4; peopled coast val- 
leys, 161 ; people, 180, 181 
Huascar Inca, name, 43, 241 n. ; 
cable, 133, 241 n. ; succession, 
224, 241 ; cruelty, 243 ; mar- 
riage, 244 ; armies defeated, 
246, 248, 249 ; taken prisoner, 
249 ; death, 250. See Chum- 
Huascaran peak, 21 
Huata, the year, meaning of word, 

Huata, conquest of, 91 n. 
Huatanay torrent at Cuzco, 55 ; 

confined to its bed, 66, 79 
Huatuc, a soothsayer, 187 
Huauqui, familiar spirits of the 
Incas, 110, 243 ; of Manco 
Ccapac, 60 
Huayllacan tribe : daughter of 
the chief married to Inca 
Rocca : war with Ayamarca, 
68 ; visit of Prince Cusi 
Hualpa to, 69 ; treachery of 
the chief, 69, 70 ; their harvest 
song, 70 ; murder of Pahuac 
Hualpa, 76 
Huayna, the name, 46 
Hiayna Ccapac, accession, 95 ; 
alleged human sacrifices at 
accession, 108, 179 n. ; ex- 
pedition against the Cofanes, 
198 ; visited the Chimu, 223 ; 
left Cuzco for the northern 



campaign, 241 ; death at 
Quito, 242 ; body and huauqui 
brought to Cuzoo, 243 ; wives 
and sons, 241, 256, 257; 
treasure found in his palace, 

Human sacrifices, 108 ; law pro- 
hibiting, 109. See Sacrifices 

Humboldt current, 202 

Humboldt, Wm., possessed a copy 
of Carrera's Yunca grammar, 

Humming-bird or Ocenii. See 

Hunu, a division of the people, 

Huguiz, name, 44 

Hurin Ouzco. See Cuzco 

Ibis, 79 

Ichu, 22, 81. See Ychu 

Ichuri, a confession, 106 

Idolatries, Jesuits employed to 
extirpate, 10, 235, 236; on 
the coast, 235, 236 

Ilia Tici TJira-cocha, names of the 
deity, 41, 97 ; invoked by 
Siuyacu, 58, 62. See TJira- 

Illampu peak, 21, 191 

Illapa, thunder and lightning 
worship, 104, 117 

Illay Tanta, sacred bread, 124 

Illimani peak, 21, 191 

Incas : study of authorities, x ; 
author's translation of Molina 
on rites and ceremonies, x 
n. ; witnesses for Sarmiento's 
history, 6 ; portraits by 
Huaman Poma, 17, 141, 145, 
146 ; portraits at Santa Ana 
(Cuzco), 121, 122; marri- 
ages, 56, 94 ; Rocca, the first 
Inca, 62-7 ; submission of 
tribes to, 65 ; the land of the, 
78-82 ; Inca Yahuar Huaccac, 
75, 77 ; Inca Uira-cocha, 77, 
90 ; Inca Pachacuti, 90, 93 ; 
Tupac Inca Yupanqui, 94 ; 
Huayna Ccapac, 95 ; the fami- 
liar spirits, 110 ; interments, 

111 ; physique, appearance, 
dress, 121, 141 ; system of 
government, 166, 167, 170 ; 
wisdom and statesmanship, 
172 ; policy with regard to 
the montafia, 198 ; conquest 
of the coast, 223 ; war of 
succession, 240 ; princesses 
married to Spaniards, 260 ; 
pedigree and petition sent to 
Spain, 281 ; assembled at 
baptism of Melohior Carlos 
Inca, 290 ; will of Leguisamo 
testifying to the excellence 
of their rule, 300, 301 ; roads 
and bridges, pottery, 318-20 

Insignia. See Achihua (para- 
sol), Champi (battle-axe), 
Ghipana (bracelet), Chuqui 
(lance), Huallcanca (shield), 
Huantuy (Mttei),Llautu (fringe), 
Mascapaycha (head - dress), 
Tocapu (belt), Tumi (dagger), 
Tupac Yauri (sceptre), Vsuia 
(shoes), Yacolla (mantle), Napa 
(sacred image of llama), Suntur 
Paucar (head-dress) 

Indians of Peru : their character, 
ix ; appointment of protector 
desired by Huaman Poma, 19 ; 
religious beliefs, 112, 113 ; 
doctors, 157 ; organisation in 
ayllus, 160 ; under the Incas, 
161-3 ; division into classes, 
161, 162 ; taken for various 
kinds of service, 162, 163 ; 
condition under the Incas, 167 
See Ayllus, Mitimaes ; also 
Leguisamo's will 

Indians of the Montana, 178, 195, 
196, 197. See Antis, Campas, 
Chirihuanas, Cholones, Oof anes, 
Chunchos, Mafiaris, Opataris, 
Pilcosones, Yana-simis, Mayo- 
runas, Lamistas 

Inez ffusta, had two children by 
Pizarro, 260 

Insignia. See Incas 

Intercalary days, 117 

Interments, 111, 112 ; Chimu, 

Inti, the sun as a deity, 116 



Inticaca or Titieaca, 21, 103 n. 

Inti-canoha or Ccuri-cancha, 
temple of the sun at Cuzeo, 
55 ; divided into four quarters 
oalled Quinti-cancha, Ghumpi- 
cancha, Sayri-cancha, and 
Yarumpuy-cancha, 56 ; rulers 
at first lived in, 58 ; royal 
residenoe removed from, 64 

Intip Chinan, name for chosen 
virgins, 106 

Intip Pampa, in front of the 
temple : runners assemble at 
the Situa festival, 125 ; Inti- 
huatana in, 116 

Intip Eaymi, June- July, 118 ; 
great harvest festival, 120-3 

Ipaoura, one of the Ayar wives, 49 

Iquichanos, 179 

Irrigation at Nasca, 177, 237 ; 
Chira valley, 207; Chimu, 
209; Nepefia, 218; former 
density of population proved 
by, 229 ; in southern coast 
valleys, 237 

Isabel Yupanqui Kiista, mother 
of the Inoa Garcilasso, 260 ; her 
portrait, 262 ; called Chimpa 
Ocllo before baptism, 262 

Iscuchaca, 81, 86 

Itenez river, 193 

Jan.-Fbb., month called Camay, 

Jauja : conquest of, 93, 173 ; 

working of the Inca system 

in valley of, 166; river, 178; 

Huascar's army at, 246 ; Her- 
nando de Soto at, 252 
Jayanca, coast valley, chiefs of, 

223 ; chief of, sent to Ouzco, 

Juana Tupac Amaru, received in 

the house of ArchbishopLoaysa, 

married to Condorcanqui, Cur- 

aca of Surimani, 298 
Juli, on the west side of Lake 

Titieaca : Jesuit station at, 

192, 313 
July-August, month oalled 

Chahuar [Quiz, 118 

June-July, month oalled Intip 

Baymi, 118 
Justiniani, Dr., descendant of the 

Ineas, Cura of Laris : author's 

visit to, viii, 145 ; his copy of 

Ollantay, 146 

Lafone Quevedo, Don Samuel 
A. : his work on the cult of 
Tonapa, 99 

Lambayeque, tradition of arrival 
of strangers, 208 ; chiefB of, 
224, 225. See Naymlap 

La Merced, church at Ouzco, 263, 

Lamistas, tribe of the Huallaga, 
178, 198 

Lampa, contents of a native 
doctor's wallet at, 157 

La Raya, 188 

Laris, viii, 144, 145. See Justiniani 

Larrabure y Unanue, Don E., x ; 
on use of pillars in Lunahuana 
ruins, 320 ; on Paramunca, 
Sillustani, 319, 320 

Lasiandra, bushes, 94 

Lauricocha, lake, source of the 
Amazon, 193 

Laycas, diviners, 108 

Leche, coast valley, 208, 224 

Leguisamo, Mancio Serra de : 
story of his gambling away 
the golden image of the sun, 
15, 301 n. ; married Beatriz 
ffusta, 260 ; a captain in the 
force invading Vilcapampa, 
293 ; witness of the Indians 
reverencing the head of Tupac 
Amaru, 296, 297; his will, 
testimony to the excellence of 
the rule of the Inoas, 300, 301 

Leguisamo, Juan Serra de (the 
younger), schoolfellow of Inca 
Garcilasso, 265 ; received at 
Vilcapampa, 273 

Leon, Pedro de Cieza de : author's 
translation, x n. ; early life, 2 ; 
services, 3 ; desire to record 
events, 2, 3 ; his chronicle, 3, 
4, 96 ; on Tiahuanacu, 90 n. ; 
gives Tuapaca as^the^name of 



the servant of Uira-oocha, 103 
n. ; put Urco in the succession 
of Incas, 90 n. ; on human 
sacrifices, 109 ; his version of 
the Paccari-tampu myth, 140 ; 
witness to the automatic work- 
ing of the Inca system, 166 ; 
absence of rain on the coast, 
201 ; Inca roads on the coast, 
225, 320 ; Garcilasso's quota- 
tions from, 279 ; on Vilcas- 
huaman ruins, 320 ; on Inca 
roads, 320 
Letourneau, his views respecting 

Inoa rule, 171 
Lightning, Liviac, 117 
Lima, view from the sea, vi ; 
excursions, viii ; library, 
' Papeles variosj' ix ; in the 
valley of the Bimac, 229 ; 
Arriaga's work published at, 
235 ; founded by Pizarro, 255 ; 
Incas banished to, 297. Arch- 
bishop of, see Loaysa 
Limatambo, palace at, 286, 319 
Litter. See Insignia, Lucanas 
Lizarraga, Reginaldo de : his 
work, 15 ; boundary wall 
between Incas and Collas, 188 
LUtcta-camayoc, village officer, 161, 

Llactapata, 93, 287. Same as 

IAaUahua, stronghold of the Collas, 

Llama Mama, household god, 112, 

Llamas, 22 ; domestication, 30 ; 
for sacrifice, 108, 109. See 
Llampallec, idol at Lambayeque, 

Llapchilulli, descendants made 
chiefs of Jayanca. See Naym- 
lap, 222 
Llautu, royal fringe, 121, 274, 292 
Llaychunca, diviners, 107 
Llecco-lkcco, plover, 79 
Lloque Yupanqui Inoa, 56 
Loarte, Gabriel de : accomplice 
in the murder of Tupac 
Amaru, 298 

Loaysa, Dr., first archbishop of 
Lima : had a census taken 
in the Piura valley, 225 ; 
befriended the daughters of 
Tupac Amaru, 298 

Loaysa, Don Alonso : nephew 
of the archbishop : wedding 
supper interrupted, 272 

Lomas, 203 

Lopez, Dr. Don Vicente, on ancient 
dynasties, 43 

Lorente : review of his conception 
of Inca rule, 171 

Loyola, Martin Garcia : married 
the Princess Clara Beatriz, 
daughter of Sayri Tupac, 274 ; 
captain in the Yilcapampa 
invading force, narrow escape, 
293 ; captured Inca Tupac 
Amaru, 295 

Loyola, Lorenza, daughter of 
the above : married Juan 
Henriquez de Borgia, created 
Marquesa de Oropesa with 
remainder to the heirs-general 
of her uncle Tupac Amaru, 274 

Lucanas, Huaman Poma chief of, 
17 ; subdued, 92 ; their coun- 
try, 174, 176, 177 ; carried the 
Inca's litter, 177 ; peopled the 
Nasca valley, 177 

Lucwna, a fruit tree, 82 

Lunahuana, ruins, 320 

Lunarejo, Dr. : Quichua drama 
arranged by, 155 

Lupacas, on the west shore of Lake 
Titicaca, 186 ; many sent 
away as colonists, 164; at Juli, 

Impi, the sun as giver of light, 

Lupins, 80 

Lurin valley, peopled by Huaro- 
chiris, 181, 227 ; drainage, 
230; irrigation, 237 

Maoabi island : cemetery on, 218 
Machay, caves for interments, 11 
Macsa, curer by enchantment, 108 
Macta puric, class of little boys, 



Magdalena Tupac Amaru, received 
in the house of Archbishop 
Loaysa, 298 

Mainique, Puncu de. See Vilca- 

Maize, antiquity of cultivation, 
30 ; limit of cultivation, 38 ; 
crops in the Vilcamayu valley, 
82 ; height, 246 n. 

Majes, coast valley, 239 

Mala, peopled by Yauyos, 180, 
227 ; irrigation, 237 

Maldonado, Juan Arias : school- 
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 ; 
visit to Garcilasso at Cordova, 

Maldonado, Juan Alvarez : cap- 
tain in the Vilcapampa invad- 
ing force, 293 

Malqui, a mummy. See Inter- 

Mama, name preceding names of 
Ocoyas, and of some household 
gods, 236 

Mama Cuna, matrons of chosen 
virgins, 106 

Mama Cusimiray, 241 ; death, 243 

Mama Ocllo, wife of Tupac, 94 

Mama Rahua Ocllo, 241 ; mother 
of Huasoar returned to Cuzco 
with the body of Huayna 
Ccapac, 243 ; indignant at 
Huascar's cruelty, 244 ; retired 
to Siquillapampa, 244 ; forced 
to acknowledge Atahualpa, 
249. See Quilacu 

Mama Runtu, 241 

Mamore river, 193 

Mafiaris, friendly Indians, 169, 257 

Manco, the name, 43 

Manco Ccapac, 54-7. See Ayar 

Manco Inca, 241 : successor to 
Euascar, 250, 254 ; met Fizarro 
at the Apurimac bridge, 254 ; 
acknowledged by Pizarro, 254 ; 
escaped; his siege of Cuzco, 
255, 262; his defence of 
Ollantay-tampu, 256 ; retreat 
into Vilcapampa, 256 ; refused 
to treat with Pizarro, 257 ; 

Pizarro's murder of hi 
wife, 257 ; receives Almagro 
fugitives, 257 ; correspondence 
with the viceroy, 258 ; mur- 
dered by Gomez Perez, 258 ; 
his character, 258, 259 ; his 
sons, 259 

Manseriche, Puncu de, Marafion 
rapid, 193 

Mansiche river, 209 

Manta, conquest of, 93, 183, 184 

Maps (relief) used in administra- 
tion, 142 

Marafion, valley of, 33, 34, 182; 
river, source, 193 ; rapid, 193 

Maras, 45 ; window in Paccari- 
tampu, 49 ; tribe, 49 ; followers 
of the Ayars, 53 ; settled at 
Maras, 55 ; tribe to Hurin 
Cuzco, 65. See Ortiz de Orue 

Marca, division of land, 161 

Marca Huasi, near Cuzco, vine- 
yards, 275 

Marcapata, invasion of, 196, 197 

Marca Yutu, son of Yahuar 
Huaccac, 76 

March-April, month called Pacha 
Pucuy, 119 

Maria Tupac Usca, daughter of 
Manco Inca, wife of Pedro 
Ortiz de Orue, 145, 259 

Market. See Oata 

Marriages, Inca, 56 

Martin Tupac Amaru : banished, 
but befriended by Ampuero, 

Masca tribe : followers of the 
Ayars, 50, 65 

Mascapaycha, royal head-dress, 
121, 292 

Mastodon : found at UUoma, 37 

Matahua, fifth station of the 
Ayars, 53, 130 

MatecUu, plant, cures sore eyes, 268 

Matienza, Juan de : his work on 
Peru, 7, 169 ; journey with 
Viceroy Toledo, 289 

Maudslay, Mr. ; on Maya civilisa- 
tion, 31 

Maule river : southern limit of the 
Inca empire, 94, 190 

Maya, 31 



May- June, month called Aymuray, 

119, 135 
Mayoruna Indians, 198 
Mayta, name, 46 
Mayta Ceapae, Inca, 56 
Mayta Yupanqui : reinforced 

Huascar's army at Jauja, 

Medanos on the coast, 202, 203 
Medicinal herbs, 157, 158, 268 
Megalithic age, 31, 36, 46 
Melastomaeeae, 194 
Melchior Carlos Inca: baptism, 

290 ; agent in Spain for the 

Incas, 281 
Melo, Garcia de: sent the first 

asparagus to Cuzco, 267 
Mendez, Diego : took refuge with 

Inca Manco, 257 
Mendoza, Don Antonio de, vice- 
roy, 5 
Mendoza, Don Andres Hurtado de, 

Marquis of Cafiete, viceroy : 

induced Sayri Tupac to leave 

Vilcapampa, 273 
Mesa, Don Alonso de : agent in 

Spain for the Inca family, 

Mestizos or half-castes at Cuzco, 

with Spanish fathers and Inca 

mothers, 264 ; their education, 

264 ; schoolfellows of the Inca 

Garcilasso, 265 ; banished by 

Toledo, 298 ; authors (see 

Bias Valera and Garcilasso) 
Micay, Queen (Ccoya) of Inca 

Rocca, 68, 71 
Micucancha or Paullu : chief place 

of the Huayllacans, 69 
Middendorf, Dr. : vocabularies of 

the Mochica language, 220 
Miller, General : help and advice 

given to the author, ix 
Milman, Dr., Dean of St. Paul's : 

introduction to Mr. Prescott 

from, vii 
Mircay-mafia : tutor to Prince 

Cusi, 85 
' Misoelanea Austral,' by G. Balboa 

(whom see) 
Mitimaes or colonists : system, 

164, 239; in the Collas, 10, 

191; results of the system, 
165, 191. See Collas, Lupacas, 

Mochica language: on the coast, 
219, 220, 221, 311. See Car- 
rera, Yunca 

Molina, Cristoval de : his work on 
the fables and rites of the 
Incas, x »., 9 ; on the origin 
of the people, 32, 96 ; temple 
of the Supreme Being, 97 ; 
prayers in Quichua, 98 ; on 
human sacrifices, 109 ; names 
of months, 117 n., 280 ; at the 
murder of Tupac Amaru, 274 

Molle tree (Schinus Motte), 80, 86, 

Mollepata, 81 

Monedero, Bartolome : school- 
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 

MontaAa : campaign of Tupac 
Yupanqui, 94, 195, 199; 
scenery and vegetation, 194 ; 
products of, 195 ; wild Indians, 
196, 197 ; voyage of Orejones 
in, 198. See Abisca, Caravaya, 
Indians, Paucartampu, Hual- 

Montesinos : translated by the 
author, xi n. ; account of, 11 ; 
his work on the origin of the 
people, 32 ; his list of kings, 
40, 306-9 ; tradition of Rocca, 
64 ; Paccari-tampu myth, 140 ; 
voyage of Orejones in the 
Montana, 198 ; Inca invasion 
of the coast, 223 ; his use 
of Valera's work, 304 ; his 
methods, 305 

Months, 118, 119, 120-35; names 
given by different authorities, 
118 and note 

Moon : worship of, 104 ; names of, 

Moquegua, 164, 172, 239 

Moro Urco : house where the 
rope for dancers was kept, 

Morua or Murua, Fray Martin de, 
xi n. ; change of dynasty by 
Rocca, 64 ; kidnapping of 
Cusi Hualpa 75 n. ; prayer 



of the Inca, 98 ; names of 
stars given by, 117; names 
of months, 118 ; version of the 
Paccari-tampu myth, 140 ; 
love story, 155, 408 ; deriva- 
tion of name Guamanga, 179, 
280 ; used the word Aymara 
for the language twice, 315 

Mosoc caparic, class of babies, 

Mosoc Nina, festival, 135 

Mossi, Dr., Quichua soholar : 
translated the hymns given by 
Salcamayhua, 99 ; his deriva- 
tion of the word Quichua, 

Motilones on the Huallaga, 178, 

Motupe : coast valley, 208 ; Pizarro 
at, 224 

Muchanaca, ceremony of treading 
on captives and spoils, 89 

Muchi, river on the coast, 208 ; 
temple of the Moon on, 216, 

Mummies. See Interments, On- 

Murua. See Morua 

Museums. See Centeno and Cap- 
aro Mufiiz 

Mustincia, Martin de : married 
Beatriz Nusta, 260 

Muyna, submits to the Inca, 65, 
80, 142 

Myring, Mr. : discovery of Chimu 
pottery, 218 

Nacac, cutter up of sacrificial 

beasts, 108 
Napa, sacred image of a llama, 

51 ; at the Huarachicu festival, 

Napo river, 198 
Nasca, viii : irrigation works, 177, 

237; coast valley, 227; 

ancient pottery, 230. See 

Navamuel, secretary : with the 

Viceroy Toledo during the 

journeys of inspection, 289 
Naymlap, a chief: arrival at 

Lambayeque by sea, with a 
fleet of strangers, 222 ; his 
temple and idol, death, 222. 
His servants (see Fongaaigde, 
Llopchilulli, Ninacolla, Nin- 
gentue, Ochocalo, Ollopcopoc, 
Pitazofi, Xam). His wife (see 
Geterni) ; temple (Ghot) ; idol, 

Nepefia, coast valley, 208 ; irriga- 
tion, 218 

Nestler, Professor, of Prague : 
making researches at Tia- 
huanacu, 25 

Nightingale. See Checolh 

Nina-chumpi. See Galapagos 

Ninacolla, 222. See Naymlap 

Ninan Cuyuchi, eldest son of 
Huayna Ccapac, 241 ; death, 

Ningentue, 222. See Naymlap 

November - December, month 
called Ayamarca, 118, 128 

Novices, 106 

Nunuma, wild duck, 79 

Kusta-calli-sapa, maidens who 
attended the youths at the 
Huarachicu, 130, 131 

Observations of the sun for 
time of solstices and equinoxes, 
115, 117 

Oca (Oxalis tuberosa), 23 

Ocampo, Baltasar de : eye-witness 
of the murder of Tupac Amaru, 
296 re. 

Occlo, 49 

Ochoa, Dr. Julian : authority 
on folklore at Cuzco, viii, 

Ochocalo, 222. See Naymlap 

Ocona, coast valley, 239 

October-November, month called 
Uma Baymi, 118 

O'Higgins, La Senora, vi 

Oliva, Anello : work on dis- 
tinguished Jesuits in Peru, 14 
re. ; on Tiahuanacu, 24, 29 n. ; 
evidence of Valera's authorship 
from Oliva, 303 




Oliva, Diego de : received the 
manuscript of Francisco de 
Chaves, 253 n. 

Olla n tav. an , Li ra dramn. • trans- 

~~1Stea byine author, xi n., 143, 
144 ; reduced to writing by 
Dr. Valdez, 145, 325 ; the Jus- 
tiniani text, 148 ; Dominican 
text, 148 ; argument of the 
drama, 149, 152-Ht, 330-4; 
Zegarra's text, 328 ; name, 

Ollantay-tampu : megalithic part, 
32 ; beauty, 82 ; conquest of, 
91 n. ; Inti-huatana at, 116 ; 
description, 150-1, 319 ; de- 
fence of, by Manco Inca, 

Ollopcopoc, 222. See Naymlap 

Ondegardo, Polo de : translation 
of his report by the author, 
xi »., 7 ; on human sacrifices, 
108 ; search for Inca mummies 
110, 111, 275; his names of 
the months, 118 ; on Inca 
administration, 169 ; with the 
Viceroy Toledo on his journey 
of inspection, 289 

Opatari Indians, 196 

Ore, Bishop Luis Geronimo : on 
the Mochica language, 219 ; 
his ' Rituale,' 313; a native 
of Guamanga, 313 

Orejones or Hatun-rincriyoc, 67 ; 
chief of Anta : raised to rank 
of, 76 ; flight with Inca Uira- 
cocha, 84 ; defeat of Chancas 
by, 89 ; return to Cuzco, 90 ; 
dress, 123 ; youths equipped 
as, 134 ; in battle with the 
Collas, 189 ; many received in 
Colla-suyu, 191 ; voyage in 
the montana, 198 ; resumed 
offices on departure of Ata- 
hualpa's army, 250 ; acknow- 
ledge Manco as Inca, 254 ; 
besiege Cuzco, led by Manco, 
Orgonez, Lieutenant of Almagro, 

Ortiz de Orue, Pedro. See Maria 
- Usca 

Ortiz, Friar Diego, Augustine: 
sent to convert Cusi Titu 
Yupanqui, 290 ; put to death 
for not curing the Inca, 291, 

Oviedo, Friar Gabriel : his account 
of the murder of Tupac 
Amaru, 296 /&. 

Oxalis tuberosa or Oca, 23 

Pacajes, tribe on the southern 
side of Lake Titicaca, 186, 

Pacasas, tribe on the eastern side 
of Lake Titicaca, 186 

Pacasmayu, coast valley, 208 

Paccari-tampu, myth, 48-57 ; 
date, 55 ; authorities on, 140. 
See Ayars 

Paccarisca, ancestor worship, 109, 

Paccay, a fruit tree, 82, 380 

Pacchactic, diviners, 107 

Pachaca, division of the people: 
a hundred families, 161 

Pachacamac, a fish god on the 
coast: temple, 181, 233, 234, 
320; great oracle, 232; idol 
destroyed by Hernando Pizarro 
234 ; erroneous idea respect- 
ing, 235, 320 

Pachachaca river, 174, 175; Ay- 
maras at the head-waters of, 

Pachacuti, a royal title : meaning, 
41, 42 ; the eighth Pachacuti, 
46 ; Prince Cusi received the 
title, 87, 89 ; march against 
Urco, 90 ; achievements, 91 ; 
conquests, 92 ; palace, 120 ; 
his heir, 92 ; death-scene, 93 ; 
mummy, 112 ; in the drama of 
Ollantay, 148, 330 ; sent an 
army to conquer Chinchay- 
suyu, 178 ; conquest of Colla- 
suyu, 188, 189; built the 
Colcampata, 287. See Cusi 

Pacha Mama, spirit of the earth, 

Pacha Pucuy, month, March- 
April, 119, 134 



Pacific naval station, v ; 
youngsters taught languages, 

Facsa Mama, the moon as a 
deity, 117 

Pahuac Hualpa Mayta, eldest 
son of Inoa Yahuar Huaccac : 
murdered by the Huayllacans, 

Pallata, second station o{ the 
Ayars, 51 

Pallas, 82 

Pampa Maroni : at Cuzco, 319 

Pampas river, 92, 158, 174 ; 
gorge of, 176, 178 

Pancurcu, torches at the Situa 
festival, 126 

Pando, mestizo servant : inter- 
preter to the mission at Vilca- 
pampa, 291 ; put to death, 
, 291, 292 

Paramunca, coast valley, 208 ; 
southern boundary of Chimu 
territory, 227 ; Inca fortress, 
238, 320 

Parihuana-cocha, 176 

Papoquets, 82 

Partridge. See Tutu 

Paruro, 45 n. 

Pasto, 191 

Pata-llacla. See Llactapata 

Pativilca, southern boundary of 
Chimu territory, 181 

Paucar, son of Inca Rocca, 68 

Paucar, son of Uira-cocha Inca. 
See Tupac 

Paucartampu, author at, ix ; 
valley of, 194 ; montafia, 194 ; 
base of the Inca's operations 
in the montafia, 195 

Paullu, son of Huayna Ocapae, 
241 ; went to Chile with 
Almagro, 255 ; threw in his 
lot with the Spaniards, 260 ; 
joined Vaca de Castro, bap- 
tised, 256 ; granted the Col- 
oampata palace, 256 ; his 
sons, 256 ; his wife, 261 ; his 
death, 261 ; extinction of the 
male line of his family, 282. 
See Carlos, Felipe, Melchior, 

Paytiti, 197 

Peel, Sir William, v 

Penachis, savage tribe on the skirts 

of the coast mountains, 224 
Pepperell, visit to Mr. Prescott 

at, vii, viii 
Peru : discovery (see Xeres), 

hospitality, ix ; antiquity of 

civilisation, 29-31 ; origin, 

31, 32 ; list of kings, 40, 46, 

Peruvians. See Indians 
Pictures used for recording events, 

Piedrahita. See Collantes 
Pietsehmann, Dr., librarian of the 

university of Gottingen, editor 

of the work of Sarmiento, 6 ; 

discovered the work of Hua- 

man Poma, 16 
Pilco Causa, head-dress of aspirants 

at the Huarachiou, 132 
Pilcopata, 196 

Pilcosones, hostile Indians, 197 
Pinahua, submits to the Inca, 65, 

Pincos, 175 
Piquillacta ruins, 319 
Pirua, 41, 230 
Pirua, dynasty, 42, 48 
Pirua Paccari Manco, first king of 

Peru, 42 
Pisco, peopled by Yauyos, 180, 

227 ; irrigation, 237 
Pissac, 82, 184, 125, 116, 319 
Pitazofi, 222. See Naymlap 
Pizarro, Francisco : on the coast, 

224 ; arrival at Caxamarca, 

225; founded Truxillo, 225; 

murder of Atahualpa, 250, 

251 ; acknowledged Manco 

Inca, 254 ; founded Lima, 

255 ; murder of Manco's wife, 

257 ; two children by an Inca 

princess, 260 
Pizarro, Francisco (the younger), 

265, 271 
Pizarro, Gonzalo, 258 ; rebellion, 

269 ; victory at Huarina, 270 ; 

arrival at Cuzco, kindness to 

Inca Garcilasso, 271 ; death, . 

271, 276 

FF 2 



Pizarro, Hernando : at Pachaca- 
mao, 234, 238 

Pizarro, Pedro : his ' relaoionea,' 6 

Planets, names given by Valera, 

Plover. See Lleco-lleco 

Pocheos, on the coast, Pizarro at, 

Pooras, Andean tribe, 179 

Polo de Ondegardo. See Onde- 

Polylepis racemosa. See Quefiuar 

Pomares, Felipe de : on Inoa 
■ treasure, 288 n. 

Pongos, fishermen on the coast, 

Popayan, Bishop of : with the 
Viceroy Toledo on his journey, 
289 ; protests against the 
murder of Tupac Amaru, 295 

Potatoes, JJ3_i antiquity of culti- 
vation, j!0_ 

Pottery, at Nasca, 177, 230; 
Cffimu, 213, 214; Yea, 229, 
230 ; Inca, 320 

Prayers of the Incas, 98, 100, 
101, 102, 143 

Prescott, Mr. : ' Conquest of Peru,' 
v, vi ; visit of author to, vii ; 
conversations with, vii, viii ; 
manuscript of Betanzos copied 
for, 4 ; mistake about the 
second part of Cieza de Leon, 
4 n. ; his copy of Pedro 
Pizarro's ' Relaciones,' 6 ; and 
of Polo de Ondegardo, 7 ; 
quotes Acosta, 9 ; Cieza de 
Leon, 4 n. ; story of Spanish 
invasion, 251 ; story of siege 
of Cuzco, 255 ; use of Garci- 
lasso de la Vega, 280. See 

Priego, Marquis of, 276 

Priests, 106, 108. See Uillac Umu 

Prosopis horrida. See Algaroba 

Pucara, battle at, 45, 190, 273 ; 
stronghold of the Collas, 189 

Pucllac huamra, class of boys, 162 

Pumacagua, insurrection, 144 ; 
had seen the Inca treasure, 
251 n., 288 n. >*■» 

Puna island, 184 

Punchau, name of the sun, 116 

prayer to, 98 
Punchau Ghinan. See Actta 
Puncu or Pongo. See Rapids 
Punuc rucu, class of very old 

men, 161 
Puquina, dialect. See Urus 
Purie, the unit, head of a family, 

160 ; his responsibility, 161 
Purun-pacha, remote times, 230 

Quail. See Chuy 

Quellua, Andean gull, 79 

Quenuar (Polylepis racemosa), 22, 

Quichua tribe : study of the 
language, vi ; songs collected, 
ix, 156 ; dictionaries by the 
author, xi n. ; their country, 
92; dramas, 147, 148-56; 
name given by grammarians 
to the Runa-simi or general 
language of Peru, 137, 138, 
174, 312 ; their fortresses, 174, 
175 ; derivation of the word 
by Mossi, 174. See Holguin, 
Justiniani, Mossi, Santo Tomas, 
Torres Rubio 

Quicuchica. ceremony for girls, 
136, 168 

Quilacu : love episode, 10 ; sent 
on an embassy to Huascar : 
treatment, 244 ; reception by 
the Ccoya, 245 ; in love with 
Curi Coyllur, 244; betrothed 
246 ; in command of reserve 
of Atahualpa's army, 247 ; 
wounded : rescued by Curi 
Coyllur, 247 ; marriage, 282 

Quilla, the moon, 117 ; month, 117 

Quillaguas, a tribe of Colla-suyu, 

Quilliscancha, suburb of Cuzco, 85, 

Quina-quina, 157 

Quinine. See Chinchona 

Quinua, 22 

Quifiones, Antonio, brother-in-law 
of Garcilasso de la Vega : 
flight with him, 273 

Quinti-cancha. See Inti-cancha 



Quipaypa, near Cuzoo : Atahu- 
alpa's army at, 249; sohool- 
boys go out hawking there, 266 

Quipu records: list of ancient 
kings derived from, 41 ; re- 
ferred to by Siuyacu, 59 ; de- 
scription, 139 ; uses, 139, 140, 
141, 271 ; learnt by Inca 
Garoilasso, 271 ; used as au- 
thorities by Valera, 305 

Quipucamayocs, recorders, 41, 106, 
139, 142 

Quiquisana, 126 

Quiruu, or cradle, 135 

Quirirmanta, fourth station of 
the Ayars, 52 

Quispicancha, 95, 270 

Quispi Titu, son of Cusi Titu 
Yupanqui : befriended by 
Martin Ampuero, 297 

Quisuar {.Bvddleia Inama), 22, 80 

Quito conquest, 93, 95, 164, 173, 
182, 198; death of Huayna 
Coapao at, 95, 242 ; Balboa 
wrote at, 221 n. ; Atahualpa 
not born at, 241 ». 

Quitu, a dove, 82 

Quizquiz, a Quito general, 242 ; 
in command of Atahualpa's 
army, 247 ; repulsed : took 
Huascar prisoner, 249, 250 ; 
met his deserts, 251 

Ramos Galivan : his work on the 
church of Copacabana, 10 ; ac- 
count of mitimaes at Juli, 314 

Ransom, for Atahualpa, 250, 251 

Ranti, name, 46 

Rapids on Amazonian rivers, 
called puncu, 193. See Man- 
seriche, Salto de Aguirre, 
Canchaguayo, Mainique 

Raua or Rava, 49 

Raymi, name, 44. See Festivals, 

Reiss.Dr. : researches at Ancon, 227 

Roads, 320_ 

Rimac-pampa, 95 

Rocca, 46, 56, 58 

Rodadero, rock near the fortress 
of Cuzoo : place for toboggan- 
ing, 266 

Rodriguez, de Kgueroa, Diego : 
embassy to Cusi Titu Yupanqui 
285, 291 ; wrote an account 
of the mission, 291 

Rosa, Dr. Gonzalez de la : printed 
the second part of the chronicle 
of Cieza de Leon, 4 «.; his 
researches respecting the work 
of Valera, 13 ; information 
from, respecting Tiahuanacu, 
25 ; on the list of kings in 
Montesinos, 40 ; his edition 
of Camera's grammar, 220; 
questions Garcilasso's integrity, 
280 ; proved, that the anony- 
mous Jesuit was Valera, 303 

Rosas, Dr., Cura of Chinchero : 
had a oopy of Ollantay, 148 

Rumihuasi pass, ix 

Rumi-fiaui, a Quito general, 242, 

Runa-huana, ravine, 180 

Runa-simi, the general language, 
137, 138. See Quichua 

Runtu-caya, of Anta, wife of 
Uira-cocha Inca, 77 

Rutuchicu, ceremony of naming 
boys, 135, 167 

Saavedra, Don Bautista : views 

on the ayllu communities, 171 
Saavedra, Dr. Maldonado : gave 

the Valera manuscripts to Inca 

Garcilasso, 278 
Sacrifices, 180 ; human, 109 
Sacsahuaman hill : fortress on, 32, 

33; Chingana cave on, 60. See 

Sacsahuana. See Saquis-ahuana 
Sahuaraura, Dr. Justo : claimed 

descent from Prince Paullu, 

282 m. 
St. Paul's, Dean of. See Milman, 

Salcamayhua ; antiquities of Peru, 

translated by the author, x m. ; 

account of hi3 work, 16 ; 

makes Uroo a reigning Inca, 

90 n. ; temple to Uira-cocha, 

97, 98 ; Tarapaca and Tonapa, 

names of Uira-cocha's servants, 



105 n. ; version of the Paccari- 
tampu myth, 140, 280 

Salinillas, name of the horse of 
Garcilasso de la Vega, 270, 271 

Salto de Aguirre. See Huallaga 

Sana, coast valley, 208 

Sanchez, schoolmaster to Mestizos 
at Cuzco, 264 

San Cristoval, church at Cuzco, 
256, 286 

Sancu, pudding at Situa festival, 

San Damian, in Huarochiri, 230 

San Domingo, convent at Cuzco : 
copy of OUantay at, 148 

San Lorenzo, island, v, 227 

Sanoc tribe : followers of the 
Ayars, 50, 65 

Santa, coast valley, 208 

Santa Ana, church at Cuzco : 
portraits of Incas, 121 

Santillan : ' Belacion,' xi »., 7, 169 

Santo Tomas, Domingo de : his 
grammar of the general lan- 
guage gave it the name of 
Quichua, 312 

Saquis-ahuana, 84, 89, 90 ; mean- 
ing of the words, 90 n. ; cor- 
rupted to Xaquix Ahuana 
and Sacs ^Ahuana, 90. See 

Sara Mama, 112 

Sarmiento, Pedro de : voyages 
translated by the author, xi n. ; 
history of the Incas, xi n. ; 
manuscript at Gottingen, 
edited by Dr. Pietschmann, 5 ; 
account of, special value, 6, 280 ; 
version of the Paccari-tampu 
myth, 49-57 ; his dates, 55 ; 
gives Tahuapaca as the name 
of Uira-cocha's servant, 101 ; 
on human sacrifices, 109 ; 
method of recording events, 
140 ; condition of Peru before 
the Incas, 159 ; Inca's voyage 
to the Galapagos islands, 184, 
185 ; Inca invasion of the 
coast, 223 ; survivals of Incas, 
254 ; with the Viceroy Toledo 
on his journey of inspeotion,[289 

Sausiru, farm, 135 

Saya Tvuamrac, class of children, 

Sayri-cancha, 56 

Sayri Tupac, son and heir of 
Manco Inca, 259 ; tournament 
at his baptism, 268 ; induced 
to come to Lima, 273, 274 ; 
return to Cuzco, death, 274 ; 
his wife Cusi Huarcay, 274 ; 
marriage of his daughter to 
Loyola, 274 ; received the 
llautu of Atahualpa from 
Miguel Astete, 274 

Schinus molle, berry used to 
flavour chicha, 127. See Molle 

Schools. See Yacha-Jmasi 

Sec, peculiar language on the 
coast, 220 

Sechura, on the coast, 220 

Sicuani, 113 ; Dr. Valdez, Cura 
of, 148 

Sillustani, chulpas or Colla burial 
towers, 187, 319 

Silva, Diego de, godfather of 
Inca Garcilasso, 264 

Simaponte, Tupac Amaru cap- 
tured at, 293 

Sinchi, chief, 159 

Sinchi Rocca, 56 

Siquillapampa, the Ccoya Mama 
Raima's residence at, 244, 245, 

Situa, festival, 125-7 

Siuyacu, mother of Rocca : revo- 
lution arranged by, 58, 59; 
urges reforms, 66 

Socialism under the Incas, 169 

Socso or Sucso, bastard of Inca 
Uira-cocha, 77, 84 

Socyac, diviners, 107 

Solar observations, 115, 116 

Solorzano, Juan de : hia ' Polities 
Indiana,' 8 

Solstices, 115 

Solstitial pillars, 115 

SoTidor-huasi, 319 

Songs : harvest song, 70 ; Huari, 
131; Haylli, 132; Tarahui, 
135 ; mythical song, 143 ; love 
songs, 156 

Soothsayers. See Diviners 

Sora, an intoxicating spirit, 128 



Sora : tribe subdued, 92, 176 

Soto, Hernando de : befriended 
Quilaou and Curi Coyllur, 252 ; 
history of his Honda expedi- 
tion, 277 

Soto, Juan de, officer of the court : 
at the execution of Tupac 
Amaru, 295 

Soto, Leonor de, daughter of Curi 
Coyllur and Hernando de Soto : 
married to a notary named 
Carrillo, 252 

Spaniards : arrival on the coast, 

224 ; reach Caxamarca, 225 ; 
destruction of the coast people, 

225 ; at Caxamarca, 249 ; on 
the march to Cuzco, 251 ; 
Manco made reprisals on, 257 ; 
invasion of Vilcapampa, 293, 
294 ; disastrous results of 
their rule, 299, 300-10 

Spencer's ' Sociology ' : his view 
respecting Inca rule based on 
inaccurate information, 171 

Spruce, Mr. : on ancient aqueducts 
in the Chira valley, 207; de- 
scribes Chimu plates covered 
with figures, 213 ; collected 
words of a coast language, 220 

Squier : opinion as to origin of 
Peruvian civilisation, 31 ; de- 
scribed the Chimu ruins, 209 ; 
and irrigation works, 218 ; 
best authority on Inca archi- 
tecture, 319, 320 

Stars : number of names given by 
different authorities, 117. See 

Btereoxylon 'patens. See Tasta 

Stipa Ychu, grass, 22, 81 

Stubel, Dr. : researches at Ancon, 

Sucanca, solstitial pillars, 115 

Sucso. See Socso 

Sun worship : names, 116; ances- 
tral worship, 46, 49, 63, 104, 
110, 168. See Temple 

Suntur Paucar, insignia of the 
Inca, 131, 132 

Supreme Being. See Uira-cocha 

Surimani, the chief of. See Con- 

Suriti plain, 81, 83, 243, 248 
Susur Puquio, vision of Prince 

Cusi at, 86 
Sutic, window of the Paccari- 

tampu cave, 49 

Tacna, 164, 173 : peopled by the 

Collas, 187, 239 
Tahuapaca, servant of Uira-cocha 

according to Sarmiento, 101, 

103 n. 
Tambopata river, 193 
Tampu tribe: came out of the 

Sutic window at Paccari- tampu, 

49, 55, 65 
Tampus or tambos, list of, on the 

roads, given by Huaman Poma, 

Tampu-chacay, murderer of Ayar 

Cachi, 52 
Tampu- quiru and Pallata, second 

station of the Ayars, 51 
Tampu-tooco : dynasty, 45, 46, 47, 
" 48 ; three windows in the hill, 
' 49, 80 
Tangarara, on the Chira : first 

Spanish settlement, 224 
Tapacri, near Cochapampa, estate 

of Garcilasso de la Vega, 273 
Tarapaca, fossil ant-eaters, 38 
Tarapaca, one name of the servant 

of Uira-cocha, 101, 103 n. See 

Tahuapaca, Tuapaca, Tonapa 
Tarpuntay tribe, followers of the 

Ayars, 50, 65 
Tarpuntay, sacrificing priest, 108, 

Tasta, a shrub, 80 
Tauri-chumbi, chief of Pachaca- 

mac, 235 
Tempellec, last of the Naymlap 

dynasty at Lambayeque, 222 
Temple of the Sun, 56, 62, 104, 

322 ; to Uira-cocha, 97, 121 ; 

to the Moon, 216, 221; at 

Lambayeque, called Chot, 222 
Ternaux Compans : his copy of 

Can-era's grammar in the 

British Museum, 220 ; edition 

of Montesinos, 12 ; translation 

of Balboa, 221 n. 



Teruel, Pedro de : work lost, 10 

Theresa, H.K.H. Princess of 
Bavaria, 113 

Thrush. See Chihua 

Thunder and lightning, worship 
of, 104, 117 

Tiahuanaou : described, 23, 24 ; 
account in the work of Oliva, 
24 ; monolithic doorway, 25 ; 
central figure, 25, 26 ; kneeling 
figures, 27 ; mystery surround- 
ing origin, 28 ; myth, 28, 29 ; 
name, 29 ; evidence of Acosta 
and Cieza de Leon, 29 ; 
Tiahuanacu and Chavin work 
compared, 35, 36 ; carving, 
42 ; Tupac Inca Yupanqui at, 

Tici or Tecce, attribute of the 
deity, 41 

Tin: principal source, 191 

Titicaca lake : basin of, ix ; 
region around, 21, 38, 92 ; 
Titi, a, clerical error, probably 
Inticaca, 103 n. ; myth, 28, 48, 
103 m.; basin of, 186, 187; 
palace on Coati island, 191 

Titu. See Curi Coyllur 

Titu Atauchi, son of Huayna 
Ccapac, 241 ; attacked Spanish 
rear at Tocto and made some 
prisoners, 253 ; friendship with 
Francisco de Chaves, 253 

Tocapu, brocade invented by Inca 
Uira-cocha, 90, 122 

Tocay Ccapac, chief of Ayamarca, 
68, 71, 72, 73 

Tocto, windows, 49. See Tampu- 

Tocta Cuca, mother of Atahualpa, 

Tocto, defeat of Spaniards at, 253 

Toguaru, conquest of, 91 n. 

Tola (Baecharis Incarum), 22 

Toledo, Don Francisco de, viceroy 
of Peru : his journey of inspec- 
tion, 7, 289; his prolific legisla- 
tion, 8, 15, 298 ; examination 
of Indians respecting Inca 
history, 289 ; arrival at Cuzco, 
290 ; godfather to Melchior 
Carlos Inca, 290; ordered the 

invasion of Vilcapampa, 292 ; 
the Inca brought before him, 
294 ; entreated to spare the 
Inca, 295 ; his banishment of 
the Inca family, 297 ; perse- 
cution of mestizos, 298 ; his 
disgrace doubtful, 299 

Tomay Huaraca, chief of the 
Chanoas, 83, 86, 89 

Tono river, 193, 196 

Tonapa, Lafone on the cult of, 
99 tc., 101 

Topography. See Geography 

Topu, measure of land, 161 

Torres Bvbio, Quichua dictionary, 
vi, 313 ; Aymara dictionary, 
192, 315, 316 

Treasure, of the Incas, 251 and note, 
288 ; in the palace of Huayna 
Ccapac, 267 ; of the Chimu, 
210, 211 

Tropoeolum, 80 

Truxillo, Chimu ruins near, 208 ; 
founded by Pizarro, 225 

Ttahuantin-suyu, the official name 
of the empire of the Incas, 173 

Ttanta raquizic : class of boys, 162 

Ttantana Marca, caves for inter- 
ment on the, 112 

Tuapaca. See Tarapaca 

Tucuman, 31, 32, 36, 173; con- 
quest, 190 

Tucuyricocs, or overseers, 162 

Tulumayu, torrent at Cuzco, 55, 
66, 79 

Tumbez : acquired by Tupac Inca 
Yupanqui, 184, 185, 208; 
Spaniards start from, 224 

Tumi, dagger, knife, 292 

Tumipampa, palace, 182 ; body 
of Huayna Ccapac ta,ken to, 
242; thence to Cuzco, 243; 
Huascar's army defeated at, 246 

Tupac Amaru Inca, son of Manco, 
259 : accession, great cere- 
mony, 290, 292 ; innocent of 
the deaths of Ortiz, Pando, 
and Anaya, 292 ; captured by 
Loyola, 293 ; brought before 
Toledo, 294 ; scene at his 
execution, 294 ; last words, 
295, 296 n. ; worship of his 



head by the people, 296, 297 ; 
fate of his children, 298 

Tupac Ayar Manco, son of Inca 
Pachacuti, conqueror of the 
Collas, 189 

Tupac Cusi, 51 

Tupac Paucar, son of Uira-oooha 
Inca : joined his younger 
brother Cusi, against the Chan- 
cas, 85 

Tupac Inca Yupanqui : chosen as 
heir by Inca Pachacuti, 92 ; 
conquests, 93 ; his reign, 94 ; 
built the palace at Huanuco, 
182; generalship, 183, 185; 
voyage to the Galapagos 
Islands, 184, 185 ; conquest 
of Colla-suyu, 189 ; system of 
colonising, 191 ; built the 
palace at Coati, 191 ; campaign 
in Anti-suyu, 195, 196 ; in the 
drama of Ollantay, 148, 332; 
his daughter married the father 
of Huaman Poma, 17 

Tupac Yauri, golden sceptre, 121 

Tuya, singing-bird, 82 

Tuyara, a Quiohua stronghold, 174 

Ucayali, river, 193 ; rapid, 193 
Ulile, Dr. Max : on Uamitas as 
offerings to the earth spirit, 
113 ; inquiry about the golden 
breastplate, 119 ; Choque- 
quirao, 319 ; investigation of 
ruins, Pachacamac, 320 
Uilca O^MC«,|head-dress of the high 

priest, 105 
Uikas, priests, 106 
Uilca, ancient name of the sun, 116 
Uilca Gamayoc, recorder of sacri- 
fices, 108 
Uilcafiota. See Vilcafiota 
UiUac Uma, high priest of the 
Sun : his position, life, dress, 
105 ; went to Chile with 
Almagro, 255 
Uinapu, an intoxicating spirit, 128 
Uira-cocha, name of the Deity, 41, 
97 ; conception of, 41-2 ; 
temple to,J97 ; prayers to, 100, 
102 ; names of servants, 101 n. 

Uira-oooha Inca, name taken by 
Hatun Tupac, 76, 77 ; his 
sons, 77 ; intrigues for Urco 
to succeed, 83 ; flight from 
Cuzco, 84 ; spoils of Chanca 
victory sent to, 87, 89 ; death, 
90 ; invented tocapu, 90 

Uiscacha, Andean rodent, 23, 79 

Ullotna. See Mastodon 

Uma Baymi, month, Oot.-Nov., 
118, 127 

Umasayus, 175 

Urco, bastard of Uira-cocha Inca, 
77, 83 ; intrigues about his 
succession, 84 ; fled with his 
father, 84, 87 ; rebellion and 
death, 90 ; made to succeed 
as a reigning Inca by Cieza 
de Leon, Fernandez Herrera, 
and Salcamayhua, 90 re. 

Urco Huaranca, chief of Quillis- 
cacha, a suburb of Cuzco : 
faithful to Prince Cusi, 85, 86 ; 
sent with spoils of the Chanca 
victory to Uira-ooeha Inca, 87 

Urcos, 76 

Urpi, a dove, 82 

Urpi Huachac, wife of Pachaca- 
mac, 233 

Uru tribe, followers of the Ayars, 
50 ; settled at Urupampa, 55 ; 
Hurin Cuzcos, 65 

Urus tribe, on lake Titicaca, speak- 
ing Puquina, 187 

Usca Paucar, Quichua drama, 156 

Uscovilca, joint founder of the 
Chanca nation, 83 ; image 
carried before the Chanca 
army, 83, 86 

Usutas, sandals, 122, 292 ; for the 
youths at the Huarachicu, 

Uturuncu Achachi, in command 
of a column invading the 
montafia, 195, 196 ; to com- 
plete the conquests, 197 

Vaca de Castro, Cristoval, 256, 

257, 264 
Vadillo, service of Cieza de Leon 

under, 2 



Valdez, Dr. Antonio, Cura of 
Sicuani : reduced the drama 
of Ollantay to writing, 145, 

Valera, Bias, same as the ' anony- 
mous Jesuit ' : translated by 
the author, xi n., account of, 
12, 13 ; his works, 13, 14, 303 ; 
compiler of the list of kings, 40 ; 
denies human sacrifices, 108 ; 
names of planets given by, 
117 ; refers to Quipu records, 
139, 305 ; mythical song given 
by, 143 ; Garcilasso received 
his manuscripts, 278 ; Garci- 
lasso's quotations from, 279 ; 
credibility of the list of kings 
dependent on his evidence, 
303 ; proofs of authorship, 304 

Valera, Luis de : executor to 
Francisco de Chaves, 253 n. 

Valerian, 80 

Valverde, Friar Vicente : his 
' Carta Relacion,' 8 

Vargas, family, 260, 261, 277 

Vargas, Alonzo : uncle of Inca 
Garcilasso, whom he adopted 
as his heir, 277, 283 

Vargas, Juan : uncle of Inca 
Garcilasso, 264 ; slain at Hua- 
rina, 270 

Velasco, ' History of Quito ' : 
names of months, 118 n.; on 
Inca roads, 320 

Vicaquirau, son of Inca Rocca, 
general, 66 ; conquests, 75, 77 ; 
against the succession of TJrco, 
83 ; supported Prince Cusi, 
85, 86 ; death, 88 

Vicchu Tupac, second son of 
Yahuar Huaccac, 76 

Vichaya, tree, in coast valley, 205 

Vicuna, 22, 30 

Vilcamayu, valley of the, author's 
residence in, viii; 65, 77, 81, 
82, 126, 137, 144, 193 

Vilcanota, wall across, 15, 188 ; 
knot of, 21, 79 ; name, 44, 78, 

Vilcapampa, 79, 82, 199 ; retreat 
of the Inca to, 256 ; descrip- 
tion, 257 ; ' Incas maintain 

independence in, 259 ; Sayri 
Tupac leaves, 273, 274; mis- 
sion to, 290, 291 ; invasion by 
Spaniards, 292, 293, 294 

Vilcas-huaman ruins, 176, 178, 
320 ; flight of Huascar's army 
to, 248 

Village communities, views of 
Cunow, 171. See Ayllus 

Villalobos, Juan Rodriguez de : 
brought the first bullocks to 
Cuzco, 266 

Villar, Senor : his copy of Car- 
rera's grammar, 220 

Viracocha. See Uira-cocha 

Virgins of the Sun, 106, 107. See 

Viru, coast valley, 208 

Viscacha. See Viscacha 

Vivero, Friar Juan de, Prior of 
Augustines : baptised Sayri 
Tupac, 290 ; embassy to Cusi 
Titu Yupanqui, 290 

' Vocabulario Historico del Peru,' 
by Valera : consulted by 
Oliva, 303 

Wiener : review of his conception 
of Inca rule, by Belaunde, 171 ; 
described Chimu ruins, 209 ; 
and Vilcas-huaman, 320 

Xam. Sec Naymlap 
Xaquixaguana, a corrupt form of 

Saquis-ahuana, 90 n. 
Xauxa. See Jauja 
Xecfuin Pisan, chief of Lamba- 

yeque, 224, 225 
Xeres and Astete : reports on the 

discovery of Peru : author's 

translation, x 

Yachachic, attribute of the deity, 

Yacha-huasi, schools, 66. 142. 319 
Yacolla, Royal mantle, 292 
Yahuar Huaccac Inca, succession, 

75 ; his sons, 76. See Cusi 




Yamqui Pachacuti Saloamayhua. 

See Salcamayhua 
Yana-cuna, servants, 163, 164 
Yanamarca, battle at between 

armies of Huasoar and Atahu- 

alpa, 247 
Yana-simi. See Mafiaris 
Yapaquis, month, July-August, 

Yarampuy-cancha, 56 
Yarcacaes, diviners, 108 
Yarrovilca, lord of Huanuco, 

ancestor of Huaman Foma, 17 
Yauri, seeptre, 131 
Yauyos, account of, 180, 237. 

See Cauqui 
Yea, viii ; coast valley, 227 ; 

pottery ,.230 ; beautiful maiden 

of, named fchumpillaya, sent 

to Euascar, 242 
Ychu (Stipa Ychu), grass, 22, 81 
Ychupampa, Chancas encamped 

on, 83, 88 ; same as Suriti 
Year called huata, 117 
Yma huayna, class of young 

men, 162 ; taken as colonists, 

Ysouchaca, 81. See Iscuchaca 
Yucay, Inca palace at, 82, 286, 

Yunca, language of the Chimu, 

219 ; Carrera's grammar of, 

220 ; name given to coast 

valleys, 230 
Yupanqui, a royal title : meaning, 

42, 43 
Yutu, a partridge, 23, 79, 76 n. 
Yuyac, adults for sacrifice : llamas, 

not men, 109 

Zapote del Perro, a tree in coast 

valleys, 205 
Zaran, in the Piura valley : 

Pizarro at, 224 
Zarate, his work on Peru, 7 ; 

Garcilasso's quotations from, 

279 ; on Inca roads, 320 
Zodiac signs, 117 
Zolzdoni, wife of Cium, 222 






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